Road Safety Bill [Lords]


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Dr. Ladyman: My point is that the Metropolitan police has already gone a long way towards making the presentation of such cases more efficient, using the existing law. We believe that that can go further, bridging the gap between what the Metropolitan police is doing and what it wants to do, without the introduction of the power suggested in new clause 3. I am confident that, working together, the Metropolitan police, the Department for Transport and the DCA can resolve the issue to the satisfaction not only of the Metropolitan police but of my hon. Friend, without running the risk of creating a new power that could not be removed if it turned out to have side effects that my hon. Friend does not intend.
My strong advice is that the Committee should not accept the new clause, and I hope that my hon. Friend accepts my assurance that the DCA, my officials and the Metropolitan police and others will work on the matter to find a way of resolving it without the need for the new clause.
Mr. Kidney: If I may, I should like to reserve the right to come back to the matter on Report. Having listened to the Minister, I realise that I need to lobby not just his Department but the DCA. I urge him not to be so timid about changing the law that was passed in 1985. Parliament has changed it in other regards. A good example is the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990, which amended the Crown Prosecution Service provisions in the 1985 Act to allow, when suitable, non-legal staff in the CPS office to present cases on behalf of the CPS.
9.15 am
We were bold enough then to let the CPS use non-lawyers to present some of their court cases, which are more serious, obviously, than the ones about which I am talking. Surely, the matter is not a difficult one. Let us be sufficiently bold, recognise that there is a bottleneck, and make that modest amendment, because when the Bill is passed, our next opportunity to do that could be many years away. So I shall not press the new clause to a vote, but I would like to come back to the matter on Report. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion.
Motion and clause, by leave, withdrawn.

New Clause 7

Impact of the period of summer time on road safety
‘(1) The Secretary of State shall report on the impact of the period of summer time on road safety.
Brought up, and read the First time.
Mr. Kidney: I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
Here I am again. The new clause would require that, each year, the Department for Transport report on the effects on road safety of the way that clocks are set in the United Kingdom. I have in mind that we would receive reports like that from the Royal Society for the Prevention of Accidents that commented on the way that we changed our clocks in 2004:
“In 2004, road deaths rose from 269 in October to 300 in November”,
which would have been just after we put the clocks back,
“and to 323 in December.”
That trend was the same with pedestrian deaths: there were 56 in that October, then we put the clocks back and the figure rose to 76 in November, and to 78 in December.
People who have analysed the matter year after year have shown consistently that at the end of October, when we put the clocks back and evenings become darker earlier, the casualty rates in this country go up. Clearly, there are road safety benefits from doing something different with our clocks in order to preserve lighter evenings, especially in the winter.
Mr. Tom Harris (Glasgow, South) (Lab): My hon. Friend will know from Second Reading that I, unlike many Scottish politicians, support a move away from British summer time to allow lighter evenings and darker mornings in Britain. Is it not the case that in winter it is inevitable that days become shorter, regardless of whether we put the clocks back? Is it not possible that the increase in the number of road accidents is simply a result of that inevitable physical phenomenon?
Mr. Kidney: I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that point. Greater minds than I, particularly those at the Transport Research Laboratory, have researched that matter, and it seems that casualty rates are highest at dusk. Is he asking whether, if we change the time of dusk, that casualty rate would move to the new time, or whether we would actually remove it altogether? The TRL’s judgment is that we would remove the accidents and casualties an hour later because most people make their journeys by the clock. For example, it is the time, not dusk, that determines when people finish and go home from school or work, or go somewhere before going home. Nevertheless, we must be careful not to turn this into a debate about putting the clocks forward or back, because that is beyond the scope of the Bill or the new clause.
I shall provide some background so that people understand. Currently in this country, in winter time—October to March—we are on Greenwich mean time. In the summer months—March to October—we are on Greenwich mean time, plus one hour, and moving the clocks forward by one hour in March means that we have one extra hour of daylight in the evening.
Between 1968 and 1971, an experiment was carried out. In March 1968, the clocks were put forward by one hour, and were left there until October 1971. That was known as British standard time, during which road safety was monitored. After making the necessary adjustments, the Transport Research Laboratory concluded that, per winter, during the experiment, 1,120 fewer people were killed or seriously injured on our roads. That included 230 fewer fatalities. That was, to me, quite a significant change.
There have been some further assessments of whether the effect that was seen in 1968 to 1971 would still hold good today. I asked the Minister a written parliamentary question and he confirmed that the TRL had updated its estimate of the effects of changing daylight time. He said that the conclusion was that
“there could be a reduction in road casualties of over 400 people killed or seriously injured per year in Great Britain, including 100 deaths.”—[Official Report, 9 November 2005; Vol. 439,c. 514W.]
In actual fact, looking at the research, 450 fewer people would be killed or seriously injured, which includes between 104 and 138 fewer fatalities.
We can clearly make road safety gains if we change the way in which we set our clocks in this country. If a report set out year after year the trend that every October, November and December saw a rising number of deaths on our roads coinciding with when we put the clocks back, one day the penny would drop that there is a good safety argument for not putting the clocks back. For completeness, my favourite approach would be in the winter to have GMT plus one hour, and in the summer GMT plus two hours, which people call single/double summer time.
The Bill is not the vehicle to change the way in which we set our clocks. That is a reserved matter for the whole of the United Kingdom, although I note that in the other place Lord Tanlaw suggested a pilot for three years of single-double summer time in England only, allowing the devolved authorities to join in with the experiment if they wanted. Clearly, there are wider implications than just road safety. There are many positive reasons beyond road safety for why we should make that change, but for today I am asking for the Minister to agree that there should be an annual report on the road safety consequences of what we do with our clocks in order to see whether the Department for Transport, at least, would support making that change.
Stephen Hammond: I was remiss earlier, Mrs. Anderson. I welcome you back to the Chair after Easter and I trust you had a good break.
The new clause, as the hon. Gentleman has said, would require a report on the impact on road safety for 12 months and another for each subsequent 12 months, and would allow the Minister to publish those reports and lay them as and where he sees fit. It does not call for any action at this stage.
Many of us will have received a briefing from the Longer Day UK group, which makes some claims about the number of road deaths that could be avoided. It gave the TRL estimates of how many casualties could have been avoided over 25 years if we changed to what it calls the daytime-saving timetable: 20,000, starting from 1971. Unfortunately, the table that it presents for us only starts from 1975, so it is difficult to make a real estimate of whether that is right. It also brushes aside any comments about safety to cyclists that have been raised. I am sure that there is detailed methodology in it somewhere, but we have yet to see it. It also talks clearly about a number of other benefits outside the scope of the Committee’s deliberations.
I listened to the hon. Gentleman’s comments about the experiment between 1968 and 1971, prior to the Summer Time Act 1972, when we had the extra hour in place for three years. He cited a set of numbers, which were supposedly the benefit of that experiment. However, there are other quotations. The Government have said that the method was piloted between 1968 and 1971, and that some findings estimate 2,500 deaths and serious injuries occurred each year as a result. The hon. Gentleman talked about the most up-to-date evidence from the TRL and quoted the Minister from November last year, but the Minister was probably just citing the numbers relating to the savings that were already established as a result of the 1968 to 1971 survey. Lord Sainsbury, who was answering for the Government in another place, said that the facts were that we
“would save 100 lives and 300 serious injuries each year.” —[Official Report, House of Lords, 7 November 2005; Vol. 675, c. 389.]
Those figures are based on the 1968 to 1971 survey, and seem to be the established numbers. There is some controversy about the numbers, and we clearly need to examine a number of other sources, not just the road safety ones. The Government say that the experiment proved unpopular at the time.
I find it difficult to support the new clause, because it is likely to be highly restrictive. If we were to think about moving to GMT plus one for the whole year, we would need to look at considerably more aspects than road safety, which would mean another report and another set of costs. The experiment has been done once before in relation to road safety and we know the facts.
Mr. Kidney: I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman that there are much wider implications than road safety and there are other issues to take into account, but on his point about Lord Sainsbury’s claim that the Transport Research Laboratory’s information is simply going back to the findings of 1968 to1971, I refer him to the 1998 report by Broughton and Stone from the Transport Research Laboratory, which assesses the effects of single/double summer time. It is different from the 1968 to 1971 experiment and takes into account casualty figures between 1969 and 1994. It is clearly a more up-to-date assessment and is not simply rehashing old figures.
Stephen Hammond: I accept that point, but the hon. Gentleman is using a different set of numbers than those proposed during that experiment. The findings of that experiment are well founded and on that basis we would find the new clause difficult to support.
Mr. Greg Knight (East Yorkshire) (Con): This is probably the only time ever that I am likely to find myself in agreement with the hon. Member for Stafford, whose general views on road traffic matters are that we should bring back the carrying of a red flag in front of cars. I find myself with him on this issue. Approximately 400 deaths a year are caused, along with many serious injuries, by our adhering to this ridiculous ritual of putting our clocks back every autumn.
Stephen Hammond: I just wanted to clarify the point: it is 100 deaths, but 400 deaths and serious injuries.
Mr. Knight: I am grateful for that clarification. In my view, if we can preserve just one life, an experiment is worth pursuing. I am with the hon. Member for Stafford on this issue. He is quite right: the new clause would not bring about a change in our hours, but he is clearly seeking to knock at the door and to get Ministers to think about making a change. For that reason, I find myself supporting him. I do not like the wording of his clause and I do not like provisions in legislation that call for unnecessary reports and bureaucracy, but I can see why he has called for it.
The argument I have heard for not making the change is that it would upset the Scots; a handful of Scots living in the north-west of Scotland would not like it if we made this change. Well, they have their own Parliament. Although this is currently a reserved matter, I would give Scotland the power to choose its own time zone. Let the Scots give themselves their own time zone if they do not want the implementation of this particular provision.
I have heard it said that the Government may have sold the pass on this issue by giving to the European Union an undertaking that we would not interfere with the time zones in force in the UK without EU permission. I hope that the Minister will confirm that there is no substance to that rumour.
 
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