Fraud Bill [Lords]


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Mr. Grieve: There is another issue that only occurred to me as I read the clause again. The clause makes it clear that it applies to a person who occupies a position, not somebody who occupied a position. Will the Solicitor-General comment on that? As it is drafted, the clause creates the interesting consequence that it would apply to a person who was still in employment as an employee, but if he abused his position of trust after he had ceased to occupy that position he would not be caught by it. Is that what the Government intended?
The Solicitor-General: It is an interesting proposition. A person can occupy a position where they owe a duty that goes beyond the performance of a job. A contract that is entered into that obliges a person to have duties of confidentiality, perhaps, can go well beyond the time when that employment ceases. The duty may, however, still arise. The person entered into the duty at the beginning of the employment and it exists indefinitely. Therefore a person may still occupy a position in which there is a legitimate expectation. That may well, by virtue of a contract and the agreement that the employee entered into voluntarily, go beyond redundancy or the point when he leaves the post.
Mr. Heath: I found the last point raised by the hon. Member for Beaconsfield interesting and disturbing because it seems to me that my amendment would have been better if it had required the omission of the words
“occupies a position in which he is expected”
instead of merely the words “is expected” so that the clause would have described someone simply as having a duty to safeguard the relevant interests. That is something that we may need to explore again on Report.
I entirely respect the Solicitor-General’s argument, but I am a little alarmed by the paucity of examples of matters that fall outside the concept of a duty, whether that is narrowly defined, in relation to the fiduciary duty—we have already had an explanation about that—or viewed as a wide, expandable and mutable definition and nevertheless coming within the definition of expectation. This is one of the rare occasions when I can criticise the Law Commission, because its report also fails to deal with the matter. It baldly says that there may be cases and that it will be for the court to determine them and for the prosecution to demonstrate its case, but it gives no examples of what those instances might be, and why they would be of such import as to require a redefinition of what is a stand-alone offence in the provision. Someone would be required to have done nothing else besides being subject to the ill-defined expectation and, in that context, to have acted in the dishonest way specified.
I am still concerned, although as I said at the beginning I do not think that if the clause is not amended grave injustices will result. However, there will be an ambiguity in the law, which will be susceptible to argument, and could have the reverse effect to the one intended by the Minister of tightening the legislation. It provides an alternative legal argument, whereas a crisp and clear definition would not enable such ambiguity to arise. I am interested in what the hon. Member for Beaconsfield has to say, but if he intends to press his amendment I am inclined still to support it. I am not yet persuaded, despite my best intentions to be so, by what the Solicitor-General has had to say.
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I remain troubled, however, and the last question that I asked, about what it means to occupy a position and whether the wording covers “occupied” as well as “occupies”, seems to go to the heart of the issue. As the reply came back, I heard my hon. Friend the Member for Torridge and West Devon say sotto voce exactly what was coming into to my mind: the provision covers every breach of confidence.
Let me give an example that goes back to my childhood. In her memoirs, the Queen’s nanny told some entirely innocuous, but nevertheless revelatory stories about the time when she looked after the Queen. I have no doubt that nannies who take their charges out, once those charges are at toddler age, have a responsibility to safeguard them and not to act against the financial interests of another person. Apart from anything else, they should make sure that the shilling is not dropped in the gutter, but actually used to pay for the ice cream, although they are clearly unlikely to have responsibility for the detailed finances of the person concerned. Given the Solicitor-General’s comments, however, it seems to me that, quite apart from a potential breach of confidence and a civil liability, the way in which the clause is drafted means that such a person is potentially subject to a criminal responsibility. That may be what the Government intend. It may be what the Law Commission intended. However, reluctant though I am to enter into a difference with the Law Commission, which is a body of learned people, I wonder whether it has fully thought through the consequences of the way in which clause 4 is drafted.
It is possible that the tabloid press have missed the point and that clause 4 is the dynamite that the Government intend to use to bring to an end to the frequent breaches of confidence that appear in the tabloid press. That might be a good thing. I often think that people who publish the kind of books that I have described are acting in a dubious way and in accordance with a dubious morality, but it has never crossed my mind that that was an appropriate area for criminal sanctions, yet that is what the Bill would introduce. Of course, such a case would have to get past a jury, and juries, with their robust viewpoint, may decide that they are not happy with this developing area of the law and simply refuse to convict people, as we have seen them do on other occasions. Indeed, those of us who have been barristers have come across juries who have refused to convict a person on clear evidence that an offence has been committed, because their own moral sense tells them that the person was in some way entitled to commit the offence. On the whole, those of us who draft law should try to avoid provoking such problems, but, in the clause, we are creating them.
My amendment might well be too restrictive, but in the absence of anything else, I am inclined to press it to a vote, if only to register with the Solicitor-General the desire—I do not suppose that we will carry the vote—that the Government go away and think again. I am prepared to help, to co-operate and, if a better formula is produced, to go along with it. As things stand, however, I have an underlying anxiety that the clause is too widely drafted and covers a vast range of behaviour, some of which should undoubtedly be subject to criminal sanction, but some of which should not. We are in danger of creating a catch-all provision that will be a nightmare of judicial interpretation and which could ultimately help to bring the law into disrepute, which is undesirable. [Interruption.] The Solicitor-General wishes to intervene, so I shall give way to him.
The Solicitor-General: I was going to respond.
Mr. Grieve: I am grateful. In that case, I shall bring my remarks to a close. I shall listen to what the Solicitor-General has to say and then perhaps say one or two words about whether I shall withdraw my amendment or press it to a Division.
The Solicitor-General: I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for the way in which he put things, so let me see whether I can assist him.
I have two points to make. First, I fear that if we go along with the approach that the hon. Gentleman suggests and restrict the ambit of the clause, we shall leave elderly people as the Institute of Legacy Management and the north of England trading standards group suggested. Both organisations were concerned that elderly people were being exposed, in effect, to fraud by relatives or workers who would not be covered by the ambit of a fiduciary relationship. It is for the hon. Gentleman to decide whether he feels that it is right to leave elderly people exposed in this way. A number of people who feel that they should not be left exposed in this way have made representations to the Government.
Secondly, I fear that the hon. Gentleman exaggerates the effect that he expects the clause to have far too much. He exaggerated a small point about whether we should use the word “occupies” rather than “occupied” into a massive point. Let me read out the provision, which refers to a person who
(a) “occupies a financial position in which he is expected to safeguard, or not to act against, the financial interests of another person,
(b) Dishonestly abuses that position, and
(c) Intends, by means of the abuse of that position—
(i) to make a gain for himself or another, or
(ii) to cause loss to another”.
That drafting provides several additional safeguards, so we do not have the massive expansion of imprecision that the hon. Gentleman fears. Many of the examples to which he referred of breaches of confidentiality and so on would properly be the subject of civil law, and the civil court is where they would normally be dealt with. There may well be circumstances in which a person can generally have fulfilled all the conditions of the clause: that is, they occupy a position in which they are expected to safeguard another’s interests, they act dishonesty and they intend by means of abuse of that position—that is the additional safeguard included in the clause—to gain thereby.
Clause 4 is therefore limited to cases where individuals have a position of some kind of trust. A person who is no longer in such a position—for example someone who no longer occupies the position of trustee—is not caught by the clause, provided that the abuse takes place subsequently. One can abuse a position only if one has one or if one has created one by the nature of one’s contractual relationships. There are safeguards in the provision.
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will feel, on reading the clause as a whole, that those safeguards will be sufficient to ensure that we are not creating some sort of, as he put it, catch-all. We do not wish to create one. We want to provide the basis on which to deal with circumstances that arise not only in fiduciary relationships, but in the sorts of cases that the Institute of Legacy Management and the north of England trading standards group have identified—cases in which all of us would want the elderly to be safeguarded.
Mr. Grieve: I certainly want the elderly to be safeguarded and I do not wish to restrict the scope of the clause to prevent that from happening. Clearly, the elderly and the vulnerable are categories of person whom I would assume were specifically in mind when the clause was drafted.
I have another question. I shall allow the Solicitor-General to intervene again if necessary, because we have time to debate this matter fully. He read out Lord Justice Millet’s judgment. A carer employed by a person who is vulnerable might be given their credit or bank card and their PIN and might try to extract money from a cash machine; leaving aside the question of theft if they appropriate some of that money for their own use rather than giving it to or using it for the benefit of the person concerned, that carer has a fiduciary duty. I would find it difficult, on the basis of Lord Justice Millet’s cogent definition, to say that such a relationship did not exist.
Fiduciary, by its nature, means a relationship of trust wherein someone is imparted information that can be abused. That is why I am by no means certain that if we were to restrict the definition to a fiduciary one, all the people whom the Solicitor-General thinks would thereby be excluded would in fact drop out of the picture. If he thinks that I am wrong about that, I would be happy to hear why, because, on the basis of the judgment that he quoted and the definition that he read out, it seems to me that such people would in all probability be caught.
The Solicitor-General: Lord Justice Millett said that
“The principal is entitled to the single-minded loyalty of his fiduciary.”
Is the hon. Gentleman suggesting that a fiduciary duty is owed by a worker who comes on behalf of meals on wheels to supply food to an elderly lady at lunch time and in the evening, and who takes advantage of that position? Clearly there is an expectation that that worker should not take advantage of her position, but does she owe a fiduciary duty and a single-minded loyalty? I think not. Do relatives who come in from time to time to help have a legal fiduciary relationship? The hon. Gentleman may well be able to argue in court that such a relationship exists, but I suspect that the lawyer for the other side would argue strongly that it does not, and if the latter argument were accepted, the hon. Gentleman would leave that elderly lady exposed to such behaviour.
Mr. Grieve: I understand what the Solicitor-General is saying, but it seems to me that he is referring to a completely separate category of offence. It frequently happens that individuals take advantage of a degree of trust and to abuse that trust in order to steal from another person. A carer who is given access to a house and who, instead of preparing or serving the meal, steals money from the mantelpiece commits theft. I had assumed that fraud by abuse of position was designed to deal with individuals who were entrusted with information that could be dishonestly abused to make a gain or to cause loss. The obvious example is the one I gave, where one gives one’s PIN and card to someone, saying, “Could you please go down to the bank and extract the money?” Such an individual is in a completely different category, because the point at which one has given them all the elements to carry out a financial transaction on one’s behalf is the point at which those elements can be abused. That is a different category from the one in which carers fall.
I would be surprised if the Solicitor-General was really saying that clause 4 was intended to try to provide an easy way of prosecuting individuals such as informal carers who gain access to property and then steal it. There is plenty in the armoury of the criminal law to deal with that problem.
 
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