Local Government and Public Involvement in Health Bill


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New Clause 31

Joint waste authorities in Wales
‘(1) The Welsh Ministers may by order make provision in relation to Wales applying any provisions of sections (proposals for joint waste authorities in England) to (membership of joint waste authorities) with—
(a) the substitution for references to the Secretary of State of references to the Welsh Ministers; and
(b) such other modifications as they consider appropriate.
(2) An order under this section may include incidental, consequential or supplementary provision, including provision amending or modifying—
(a) any enactment;
(b) any instrument made under an enactment.
(3) The reference in subsection (1) to any provisions of sections (proposals for joint waste authorities in England) to (membership of joint waste authorities) includes a reference to any provisions of Part 14 so far as relating to any of those sections.’.—[Angela E. Smith.]
Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill.

New Clause 32

Interpretation
‘In this Part—
“joint waste authority” has the meaning given by section (implementation of proposals by order)(2);
“local authority” has the meaning given by section (proposals for joint waste authorities in England)(9).’.—[Angela E. Smith.]
Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill.

New Clause 1

Single transferable vote
‘(1) This section applies to elections of members of any Principal or Parish Council, including by-elections.
(2) Each vote in the poll at an election shall be a single transferable vote.
(3) For the purposes of subsection (2), a single transferable vote is a vote—
(a) capable of being given so as to indicate the voter’s order of preference for the candidates for election as members for the constituency; and
(b) capable of being transferred to the next choice when—
(i) the vote is not needed to give a prior choice for the necessary quota of votes, or
(ii) when a prior choice is eliminated from the list of candidates because of a deficiency in the number of votes given for him.’.—[Tom Brake.]
Brought up, and read the First time.
Tom Brake: I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
The Chairman: With this it will be convenient to discuss the following: New clause 8—Local authority resolution to change electoral system
‘(1) Any local authority may, not later than 12th September in the year that is two years before the year in which it shall take effect, resolve that the next two elections of the local authority will be held using an approved electoral system other than that used for the previous election.
(2) A resolution under this section—
(a) takes effect, subject to paragraph (b), for the next two elections of the local authority; and
(b) continues in effect until either—
(i) a further resolution under this section takes effect; or
(ii) a poll of electors of the local authority held under this Act takes effect.
(3) A local authority may not resolve to change its electoral system more than once every five years.’.
New clause 9—Approved electoral systems
‘(1) The following methods of election shall be approved electoral systems pursuant to this Act—
(a) “First Past the Post” which means the system currently used for elections to the UK Parliament.
(b) “Single Transferable Vote” as defined in the Local Government in Scotland Act 2003 (asp1) by the Scottish Parliament.
(c) An “Additional Member System” as defined in the Scotland Act 1998 (c. 46).
(d) An “Alternative Vote” system which is one in which if no candidate obtains the votes of 50 per cent. of those voting in a single member constituency the subsequent preferences of those who voted for the losing candidates are successively taken into account until one candidate has obtained 50 per cent. of those voting.
(e) An “Alternative Vote Plus” system which is an Additional Member System in which the constituency Members are elected by means off the Alternative Vote system.’.
Tom Brake: I had wondered whether this sleep-inducing process of saying “aye” and “no” was going to continue, thereby allowing new clause 1 to slip in.
The new clause is about the single transferable vote. Clearly, some of my colleagues are dedicated followers of STV. In fact, some hon. Members in other parties may feel that my colleagues are obsessed by STV. I hasten to add that I do not put myself in that category. Yesterday we had an historic vote on the House of Lords. Today, there is an opportunity for another historic vote to reform our own voting systems and go for the single transferable vote for local council elections. Clearly, that particular solution is the Rolls-Royce of electoral systems to replace the Austin Allegro that we are currently attempting to drive. The Government might not want to go for the Rolls-Royce solution, but we have new clause 8 in front of us that would provide them with something in between—perhaps the Mondeo of electoral systems.
Let us focus on new clause 1 and the single transferable vote. It is important because proportionality ensures that each vote has the same worth. Hon. Members will know, depending on which part of the country they represent, how the present electoral parliamentary system helps them. Proportionality in south-west London, an area that I represent, is not effective, or at least people’s votes are not reflected effectively in the political representation of Members of Parliament in that area. Fortunately in south-west London, the Liberal Democrats benefit from the lack of proportionality in relation to the Westminster system. The same applies at a local level as well.
We welcome the fact that Scotland is pioneering the use of STV for its local elections. In local elections from 2000 to the last election, voter turnout varied between 29.6 per cent. and a maximum of 40 per cent. Clearly, the turnout was very low. That is because in many parts of the country how people vote makes very little difference in terms of who is elected to represent them on their local council. Hence the need for the single transferable vote, which, we believe would improve voter turnout. Furthermore, it would make councils more representative of the communities that they seek to reflect and their elected representatives would be more representative of the communities that elect them.
In our view, more women would get elected under a single transferable vote system for local elections; currently, only 29 per cent. of local councillors are women. More members of the black and ethnic minority community would be elected as well; only 2 per cent. of local councillors are from that community.
I am realistic, however. I recognise that, although the Labour party in Scotland has conceded that STV is the way forward for local elections, there is no evidence so far that the Government in Westminster will endorse the system. If the Minister is not willing to support new clause 1, he has new clause 8 as an alternative. It is based on the Parliamentary and Local Elections (Choice of Electoral Systems) Bill introduced by the hon. Member for Bury, North (Mr. Chaytor) and is about offering options to local councils. Why is that a way forward? We need a mixture of systems, and that principle has been accepted in London, where the electoral system chosen is different from any other in the country. Indeed, a beneficiary of that system is sitting in the Committee with us.
Robert Neill: I hate to sound pedantic, but I remind the hon. Gentleman that I, like all Conservative and Labour GLA members, was elected under the first-past-the-post system.
Tom Brake: I thank the hon. Gentleman for pointing that out. However, the electoral system put together to elect members of the Greater London authority elected him, but equally elected other list members.
We accept the principle of different types of electoral systems. New clause 8 would provide options to local authorities in respect of the type of electoral system that they could adopt—whether, as set out in new clause 9, it was first-past-the-post, the single transferable vote, additional member, alternative vote or an alternative vote plus system. Local authorities would have a choice of systems, as they have a choice of whether to go for a mayoral or executive option.
Mr. Neil Turner (Wigan) (Lab): I wonder why the Liberal Democrats in Scotland did not allow a plurality of systems when they had the opportunity, with the Labour party, of changing the system there.
Tom Brake: I do not have the answer to that, but as a Labour party representative, the hon. Gentleman may be closer to the action there. He may be able to get a response from his own colleagues on why they supported the system now in place.
Mr. Turner: I imagine that Labour Members of the Scottish Parliament are still nursing their arms, which were shoved up their backs by the Liberal Democrat MSPs.
Tom Brake: If a small bunch of Liberal Democrats was able to arm-wrench the hon. Gentleman’s Scottish Parliament colleagues as he suggests, I thank him for highlighting what a weak and feeble bunch they are. I shall pass on that message to my colleagues in Scotland, who will welcome it in the run-up to the Scottish elections. I am sure that they will make good use of that information.
New clause 9 sets out the different options that local authorities could go for. In new clause 8, we provide a method through which they would be allowed to opt for and try different systems, although they would not be allowed to change the electoral system on a regular and confusing basis; there would be a period during which they could not change the system.
The voting public cope very well with an electoral system in London that includes borough elections and elections for the Mayor, for the Greater London assembly, for Westminster and for the European Parliament, and may include at some point parish council elections. I am confident that that public would be able to cope with a system that changed from time to time, or with any of the options that local authorities could choose.
Michael Fabricant: I am looking through some of the other new clauses that the hon. Gentleman will be proposing later this afternoon, and I want to get behind his motivation. Could it be despair? I understand that of those who regularly support the Liberal Democrats at general elections, only 16 per cent. could identify “Ming” as the leader of the Liberal Democrats.
2.30 pm
Tom Brake: I thank the hon. Gentleman. However, I am having difficulty linking that intervention to new clauses 1, 8 or 9. Perhaps he can help.
Michael Fabricant: I believe that the hon. Gentleman is despairing because, given that the Liberal Democrats seem to command only 16 per cent. of support in recent polls in our first-past-the-post system, it is felt that his proposal offers the only way that those of the Liberal Democrat persuasion can get elected to Parliament.
The Chairman: Order. We should return to the new clause.
Tom Brake: Thank you, Mr. Benton; I was going to make the point that the hon. Gentleman is tempting me to stray far beyond the remit of the new clauses.
As I stated at the beginning, new clause 1 offers what we consider to be the Rolls-Royce electoral solution—the one that would provide the most representative local government. However, if the Government are not keen on that, they have the alternative proposed by the hon. Member for Bury, North. That would provide the sort of choice that the Minister seeks to provide in other respects for local authorities.
Andrew Gwynne (Denton and Reddish) (Lab): The hon. Gentleman mentions choice, and my personal choice is the first-past-the-post system. However, new clause 9 lists various voting systems, ranging from first-past-the-post to the single transferable vote. Why can we not choose the system used for elections to the European Parliament? Do the Liberal Democrats favour some versions of proportional representation but not others?
Tom Brake: I thank the hon. Gentleman for allowing me to highlight the fact that the system adopted for the European Parliament was not one that we supported. I also note that the hon. Gentleman supports the first-past-the-post system; perhaps I detect a little self-interest.
Tom Levitt (High Peak) (Lab): Just for the record, those who support the first-past-the-post system may also support the alternative vote system, which is on the hon. Gentleman’s list. I note, however, that the drawing of ballots and choosing councillors at random is not included. Surely, it should be an option.
Tom Brake: I thank the hon. Gentleman. I am not familiar with the system of drawing councillors’ names in random ballots, but I must not be tempted explore it, Mr. Benton, because you will seek to bring me back to the matter in hand. In fact, I have concluded my remarks. I hope that the Under-Secretary will respond positively to our sensible proposals.
Angela E. Smith: It is rare at this stage of a Committee’s proceedings to have so much excitement. I am grateful to the hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington for raising the issue. I hate to disappoint him yet again—he looks so tragic when I do.
Every voting system has its advantages and disadvantages, and hon. Members will have judged which they believe is best in the interests of democracy. I was somewhat surprised that the new clause was proposed, however, because after looking through my papers over the weekend, I came to the House on Monday only to read The Guardian headline that said, “Campbell sets Brown tests for Lib-Lab coalition deal”. I shall not go too far down this path, Mr. Benton, but given the question before us I think I might be given some licence. For many Liberal Democrat leaders the big issue—the deal-breaker—has been PR. Yet in an official briefing——although it was later retracted—
“journalists were told proportional representation was ‘not a deal breaker or a deal maker’”,
although the Liberal Democrat party previously insisted on it. There clearly has been some change in policy, which is why I was so pleased to see that old habits die hard.
Tom Levitt: That could explain the observation made by the hon. Member for Lichfield a few moments ago. Perhaps it was not the word “Ming” that people did not recognize, it was the word “leader”. [ Laughter. ]
Angela E. Smith: I have always been known as a very generous person and I do not want to intrude on private grief. I think you would instruct us to stick more closely to the amendment.
There are arguments for and against the introduction of a PR voting system and it has to be recognised that we have new PR systems for the devolved Administrations. The hon. Gentleman is tempting me because of that to welcome his new clause. Many of us are aware of the benefits of a first-past-the-post system, such as the direct relationship between the elected and the elector in a specific geographic area. That is something that many of us in this House greatly appreciate and value.
Tom Brake: Will the hon. Lady give way?
Angela E. Smith: I have barely got into my stride. I will give way when I have talked about the merits of first past the post. It is that system that is used to elect councillors and local authorities in England and Wales. Members of the GLA are elected using the additional member system. I think that it does help members to represent the interests of their area when there is that clear relationship between the elected and the elector and when—this is very important—the citizen who elects people knows who they are electing and knows who is representing them. I acknowledge the virtues of some other voting systems but that is a significant advantage of the current system.
Angela E. Smith: Lots of things are possible in life but I still do not think the STV system or the systems described by the hon. Gentleman give that same accountability, which is also important.
Having said that, the Government recognise that first past the post is not the right system in every circumstance. We have a number of different systems. Mayors in local authorities are elected by the supplementary vote system. The Scottish Parliament has another system. The Welsh Assembly and Greater London assembly use the additional member system. The European Parliament uses the list system. In each of those cases there was a good reason why those systems were adopted—including the fact that it was in the Government’s general election manifesto that those systems would be introduced. There was no such promise in our last election manifesto.
I do not think there are any grounds for changing the system for local government elections. That system wherein the elector goes into the polling booth and puts a cross by the name of their preferred candidate, and the candidate who gets the most votes wins, is very straightforward. The hon. Gentleman concentrates on the type of voting system, but a clear theme throughout our deliberations has been the need for strong leadership and strong governance. In democracy, it is not only the type of voting system that is important; the quality of leadership is also a test when we make that assessment.
The hon. Gentleman spoke about not wanting to cause too much confusion, but I found that strange when I re-read the new clause, given that if it were accepted councils could resolve to change their electoral system to one of the five types outlined in the new clause. We could end up with each district council a county area choosing a different electoral system with which to elect its members. That would be extraordinarily confusing for the electorate. I do not think you would get clear and accountable representation in those circumstances.
Tom Brake indicated dissent.
Angela E. Smith: The hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but that could be the outcome.
Tom Brake: Why would it be so confusing?
Angela E. Smith: If the hon. Gentleman cannot understand why having five different electoral systems used to elect members to various bodies within one county is confusing, it probably explains why he is proposing the new clause and other hon. Members are opposing it.
Following its consultation on electoral reform in local government, the Local Government Association concluded that elections for the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, the European Parliament and the Greater London assembly, which used alternative voting systems, have
“involved greater complexity to the voter”.
It was also concerned that adding complexity might depress turnout or demoralise voters. The democracy task group commissioned by the LGA expressed concern
“that the replacement of first past the post”
with a system of proportional representation will
“inevitably lead to an increase in the number of No Overall Control (NOC) authorities”,
which
“has clear implications for stability of leadership”.
The task group also stated that although there was no consensus
“to either retain or replace the first-past-the-post system...a majority of the Task Group favour retaining and developing the existing system”.
There is an ongoing review of the experiences of new voting systems used in the devolved Administrations. The Government feel that it would be inappropriate to try to pre-empt the findings of the review by encouraging the introduction of yet more electoral systems. In view of the those arguments, I hope that the hon. Member for Carshalton and Wallington is convinced that the proposed new clauses would not provide the best way forward and that he will withdraw them.
Tom Brake: I thank the Under-Secretary for setting out the Government’s position so clearly. I am still smarting from that vicious assault on my party leader, but I have just about recovered.
I was interested to hear the Under-Secretary deploy the fact that there might be an increase of authorities with no overall control as an argument against the new clauses as if such a situation would be the end of the world for local authorities. Others might say that such an increase would mean that different parties would have to work together to ensure that the majority views of a local authority were represented.
Alistair Burt: I ask the hon. Gentleman to cast his mind forward and to speculate on whether, in the event of a hung Parliament, the Government’s arguments might be revised to some degree.
Tom Brake: I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention. I can assure him that the Liberal Democrats will be consistent in all respects and I hope the Government will be likewise.
It is clear that the Under-Secretary is adamant that the Government know best and that there is no scope for allowing either local politicians or a local electorate to decide the appropriate voting system for their locality. It would therefore be pointless to pursue the matter today. We may wish to return to it in the other place—supposing that that is still there.
I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion.

Motion and clause, by leave, withdrawn.
 
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