Select Committee on Communities and Local Government CommitteeSixth Report


1  INTRODUCTION

The case for tackling inequality

1. Deep and entrenched inequalities and unfair discrimination persist in the UK. Recent data demonstrate that at the present rate of progress it may take decades to achieve parity in employment and education for some groups while for others it will never happen. At the current rate of progress, it is estimated that it will take until 2085 for the gender pay gap to be closed and until 2105 to close the gap in ethnic employment.[1] The situation is much starker for some groups, such as disabled people and Pakistani and Bangladeshi women who, under the same measure, are unlikely ever to achieve parity in employment.[2]

2. Tackling unfair discrimination and reducing inequalities is a moral responsibility, but this is not the only reason for doing so. There are benefits to be gained for all people from living in a more equal society—economically and socially. The Women and Work Commission concluded that removing the barriers to women working in traditional male occupations and "increasing women's participation in the labour market would be worth between £15 billion and £23 billion: equivalent to 1.3 to 2 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)".[3] The Equalities Review reported that disabled people are 30 per cent more likely to be out of work than non-disabled people with the same profile, and "this costs the Government almost £9 billion annually […] in lost revenue".[4]

3. There is also a case for tackling inequalities to support social cohesion. The Equalities Review reported, "Violence, conflict, insecurity and political instability are all more likely to occur in more unequal societies".[5] The Commission on Integration and Cohesion likewise concluded "if discrimination experienced by some groups within our society continues, we will not be able to achieve the goals […] for building integration and cohesion."[6] It pointed out that, for example, the life chances of immigrant communities vary widely, with the employment rate among immigrants from Somalia at just 12 per cent compared with 62 per cent for all other new immigrants.[7]

The national policy context

4. At the time of our inquiry, policy responsibility for equalities and human rights was split across a number of Whitehall departments. The Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) held lead responsibility for equality in respect of gender, race, religion or belief and sexual orientation and was also the sponsor department for the new Commission for Equality and Human Rights (CEHR). The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) held lead responsibility for combating disability and age discrimination, though responsibility for age discrimination matters relating to employment rested with the Department for Trade and Industry (DTI). The Ministry of Justice was responsible for the operation of the Human Rights Act 1998 and human rights policy generally. Current changes in the machinery of government may result in some re-allocation of these departmental responsibilities.

5. The CEHR will come into operation on 1 October 2007. It is a non-departmental public body established under the Equality Act 2006. Its tasks will be to reduce inequalities, eliminate discrimination, strengthen good relations between people and promote and protect human rights.

6. A range of new legislation and supplementary measures on equalities have been implemented in recent years. Most recently, in June 2007, the Government published the Discrimination Law Review (DLR) and subsequently launched a public consultation on proposals for a Single Equality Bill, which it is committed to introducing in this Parliament. The publication of the DLR followed the publication of the Equalities Review's final report, itself commissioned by the Government in February 2005. A panel was established to lead the review and investigate the root causes of inequality and discrimination in British society. The Government appointed Trevor Phillips, who at the time was Chair of the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), to lead this review in a personal capacity. Its findings were published in February 2007.

OUR INQUIRY

7. Our remit was extended to incorporate DCLG's new equalities responsibilities following the machinery of Government changes in May 2006. We felt that a short inquiry now would provide a timely opportunity to examine issues around the establishment of the CEHR and to further the debate on equality in preparation for the introduction of a Single Equality Bill.

8. We launched our inquiry following our examination of Trevor Phillips, chair-designate of the CEHR on 24 April 2007. We published our terms of reference in May 2007, received 16 memoranda and subsequently examined Meg Munn MP, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (Women and Equality). Both oral evidence sessions were held and almost all our evidence received before the DLR was published. We do not comment on the specific details of the DLR but discuss broader policy issues and the establishment of the CEHR. We thank all those who contributed to our inquiry by submitting evidence or by more informal means. We are also grateful for the work of our specialist adviser, Shelagh Prosser.


1   Fairness and Freedom: The Final Report of the Equalities Review (hereafter 'the Equalities Review'), Feb 2007, p 24 Back

2   The Equalities Review, p 25 Back

3   The Equalities Review, p 20 Back

4   The Equalities Review, p 20 Back

5   The Equalities Review, p 21 Back

6   Commission on Integration and Cohesion, Our Shared Future (hereafter 'Our Shared Future'), June 2007, para 2.21 Back

7   Our Shared Future, para 2.22 Back


 
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Prepared 2 August 2007