Memorandum by the Cheshire Housing Alliance
(CHA) (SRH 15)
1. THE CHESHIRE
HOUSING ALLIANCE
1.1 This submission has been prepared on
behalf of the Cheshire Housing Alliance (CHA), a partnership comprising
members from all local housing authorities and the largest RSLs
in Cheshire. The CHA researches housing needs and aspirations
in Cheshire, to identify and tackle relevant housing issues, inform
the regional and sub-regional housing strategy and other broad
regional agendas.
1.2 The provision of more affordable housing
for local people in urban areas, market towns and rural settlements,
both rented and for sale, has been identified as a significant
priority, resulting in a strategic sub-regional delivery programme.
1.3 The sub-regional housing strategy sets
an annual target for the county of at least 400 additional units
of affordable housing to be provided through NAHP funding, 13[13]
until 2008 when the strategy will be reviewed. This includes new
development, bringing existing buildings back into use and working
with private landlords to achieve the decent homes standard and
reduce the number of empty homes in the district. Achieving this
target is dependant on receiving sufficient social housing grant.
1.4 Local authorities are also working to
increase the number of new affordable homes in the county, in
addition to the above, through the use of planning conditions,
such as s106 agreements.
2. THE LEVEL
OF PUBLIC
FUNDING REQUIRED
TO MEET
SOCIAL HOUSING
NEEDS
2.1 Current public funding levels are not
adequate to meet the needs identified in the region; there is
an urgent need for more funding for social rented housing. CHA
research has identified specialist housing requirements as a priority
in Cheshire, including the need for more extra care housing, physically
adapted/ adaptable properties for wheelchair users and housing
for people with learning difficulties. The evidence shows that,
as well as the need for more floating support, more specialist
accommodation is urgently required particularly for the elderly,
young adults with disabilities and learning difficulties and care
leavers. 14[14]
2.2 The expected growth in the population
of elderly people in the UK is well documented. There is also
expected to be a further increase in single person and single
parent families in the longer-term, due to changes in household
make-up and increasing levels of relationship breakdown.
2.3 An increasingly ageing population results
in sustainability concerns. Employers are already struggling to
fill job vacancies across Cheshire, particularly for lower paid
work. This is encouraging inward migration of workers, including
large numbers of economic migrants from other EU countries. This
increases pressure on the housing markets in the region, as more
affordable homes are needed close to available employment opportunities.
Likewise, it increases pressure on other services and infrastructure;
housing cannot be taken in isolation.
2.4 Growing affordability problems in the
region leave many residents unable to purchase property, or to
rent privately. The HBOS house price index15[15]
shows the average house price to earnings ratio in the UK was
5.68:1 as at July 2006, almost twice the traditional mortgage
borrowing rate of three times annual earnings. This increases
the pressure on already over-stretched social housing, which has
suffered from lack of investment and been depleted by the Right
to Buy (RTB) for many years.
2.5 Social housing is not a tenure of last
resort, but is a tenure of choice for many allowing greater flexibility
in other life choices, including changing locality with relative
ease (important for jobseekers) and largely removing the burden
of property maintenance for elderly people. Recent research by
the Council of Mortgage Lenders (CML) indicates that younger people
increasingly prefer private rented accommodation to home ownership,
due to affordability constraints, the need for a large deposit
and difficulty in obtaining a mortgage. 16[16]
The drive to provide high quality, desirable rented properties
shown by many RSLs fighting to "de-stigmatise" social
housing has increased its attractiveness and, as affordability
worsens, demand for social rented housing will only increase.
2.6 Social housing is essential for the
most vulnerable members of society, including the homeless, the
elderly and disabled people. As the population continues to age,
the pressure on social housing will only intensify and funding
levels must increase if providers are to be able to adequately
house all those in need.
2.7 Extensive research by organisations
such as Shelter and the British Medical Association (BMA) 17[17]
into the attendant negative effects of poor housing in terms of
healthcare and crime etc provides overwhelming evidence that good
quality housing has a real impact on such issues. Providing good
quality social housing for everyone that needs it would not only
benefit the most vulnerable members of our society, but would
result in substantial savings to the public purse over the longer-term.
3. THE RELATIVE
FUNDING PRIORITY
BEING GIVEN
TO SOCIAL
RENTED HOUSING
AS OPPOSED
TO SHARED-OWNERSHIP
AND OTHER
FORMS OF
BELOW MARKET
HOUSING
3.1 Social rented housing is not given the
priority it merits when funding is being allocated. Shared-ownership
does have a role to play in meeting housing need, but can only
benefit those on the margins of home-ownership and is not an affordable
option for the majority. It is more expensive over the long-term
than outright purchase, illustrated by a recent National Audit
Office report18[18]
stating typical shared owners had an average income of between
£20,000 and £38,000, well above the UK, North West and
Cheshire average incomes of £18,961, £18,100 and £21,434.
19[19]
It is less attractive than outright ownership in the current financial
climate, as borrowing is relatively inexpensive. Should interest
rates rise to any great extent and affordability continue to worsen,
shared ownership may gain in popularity, but due to the necessity
to pay rent, as well as a mortgage, it will remain an unaffordable
option for many.
3.2 Shared-ownership may encourage excessive
debt, increasing the level of poverty among owner-occupiers and
the risk of repossession. Elderly householders often move into
social rented accommodation in later life, rather then struggling
to maintain their own property. Home ownership is viewed as an
investment for old age, enabling elderly owners to release capital
to fund their retirement plans or healthcare needs, rather than
relying on pensions and state benefits.
3.3 Shared-ownership is currently the most
likely option to be provided by developers on new sites under
s106 agreements rather than rented housing, largely for economic
reasons. The various elements of the HomeBuy scheme also allow
access to shared-ownership-style purchase for those who can afford
it so there is a good supply of this type of accommodation, whereas
social housing is increasingly scarce.
3.4 The RTB scheme has severely eroded social
housing stocks since its inception and receipts from the scheme
simply do not cover the cost of equivalent replacement units.
The number of RTB sales in the North West since 1991, some 82,924
homes, amounts to almost 15% of local authority stock in the region.
By contrast, only 43,449 new social housing units were built in
the North West during that period, of which a mere 1,626 were
built by local authorities. 20[20]
This is clear evidence that units lost through the RTB are not
being replaced in anything approaching corresponding numbers.
Cheshire lost almost 5% of its total social housing stock last
year alone as a result of RTB and Right to Acquire (RTA) sales.
21[21]
Similar sales levels in previous years have resulted in serious
shortages in social rented stock. 22[22]
3.5 Although there have been few problems
to date in selling new shared-ownership properties, many people
do not understand or trust the concept and it is not an affordable
option for the majority of those in need. Social rented housing
is therefore an absolutely necessary alternative and should command
a far greater proportion of funding from the public purse.
4. THE GEOGRAPHICAL
DISTRIBUTION OF
SUBSIDIES FOR
AFFORDABLE HOUSING
4.1 There is a clear North/South divide
in terms of funding for affordable housing in the UK. Affordability
has long been an issue in the South, but is increasingly affecting
the North of the country and the region is not getting the investment
it needs to tackle the problem effectively. Initiatives like the
Northern Way have helped, but without realistic subsidy for housing
it will be impossible to meet the wider long-term objectives of
the regional development programmes, such as revitalizing the
regional economy and creating sustainable, diverse communities.
4.2 Funding is largely targeted at those
areas with higher property values but these are not necessarily
the areas of greatest housing need. There is particular concern
about new housing in rural localities. Although there is a clear
need for affordable housing in small rural communities, new developments
in rural areas are likely to involve Greenfield sites where there
are often strict planning controls. New housing must be developed
in harmony with the existing landscape, the local planning framework
and taking into account the accompanying demands on local infrastructure,
including schools, public transport, healthcare and so on.
4.3 There is a strong argument for the funding
criteria to take into account other local issues such as affordability,
the needs of concealed households, minority and vulnerable groups,
employment levels, average earnings and so on. Even within Cheshire,
research has identified three distinct types of housing market,
23[23]
each necessitating a different focus.
4.4 Local issues should be tackled at local
level; there are distinct markets and diverse factors at work
in different areas and a "one size fits all" approach
simply does not work. There is a case for a mechanism allowing
at least some funding decisions to be taken at a local level.
An approach based purely on geographical factors is not effective.
5. THE FUTURE
ROLE FOR
LOCAL AUTHORITIES
AS BUILDERS
AND MANAGERS
OF SOCIAL
HOUSING
5.1 Many local authorities have already
transferred their stock (or the day-to-day management of it) to
other organisations under large-scale voluntary transfer (LSVT)
or arms-length management organisation (ALMO) arrangements. In
light of the current economic situation, there is little foreseeable
possibility of councils undertaking a role as sole builders and
managers of new social housing, since local authorities no longer
receive funding to develop. They are entitled to borrow privately
to fund new developments, but the uncertainty of rental income
streams due to the RTB and rent capping realistically prevents
many councils from borrowing and any new affordable housing developments
must be undertaken in partnership with either a developer or RSL
in order to access the capital required. That said, many successful
developments are created in this way, often through s106 agreements,
providing much needed affordable housing and there is no reason
why this should not continue to be the case where it is the best
solution to a particular local issue.
5.2 Should the current situation change
there is no reason why local authorities should not be as successful
at providing and managing new social housing as other organisations.
Rented housing is economically sustainable over the long-term,
as is proven by the growing success of the private buy-to-let
market. It is largely only due to the HRA subsidy system, rent
capping and the depletion of stock through the RTB, that the difficulty
in sustaining sufficient income to maintain and improve existing
stock has occurred.
5.3 Government policy requires local authorities
to separate their housing management and strategic housing roles,
which may indicate a belief that development is incompatible with
the strategic function. 24[24]
Properly handled, however, where these tasks are carried out separately
there should be no opportunity for conflict to arise. It is accepted
that local authorities have a wider, strategic, role to play in
terms of housing and are not simply landlords (if they ever were),
but there is no reason why an active development and stock management
programme should interfere with the wider strategic function.
5.4 ALMOs are essentially "hived-off"
local authority housing departments; their relative autonomy comes
largely from their board structure but they are short-term arrangements,
with the council being able to take back the housing stock after
an agreed period. That being the case, why not simply allow the
council to access the necessary funding once the appropriate structures
and organisational culture are in place?
5.5 ALMOs may appear to allow greater tenant
control as tenants have the opportunity to be part of the governance
structure of the organisation, but tenant participation and involvement
are essential tools for any council. Resident involvement forms
one of the key lines of enquiry (KLOEs) used by the Audit Commission
to measure the performance of an organisation and best practice
is becoming more widespread, with its attendant benefits to tenants.
5.6 Housing is inextricably linked to the
wider sustainable communities agenda and to many other national
policies and priorities. Local authorities are in an exceptional
position in terms of the ability to influence and shape local
communities, particularly in partnership with key local providers
and with the communities themselves. Encouraging a collaborative
approach to regeneration and development is an essential part
of achieving the long-term sustainability of an area and the local
community.
6. THE EFFECTIVENESS
OF DIFFERENT
SOCIAL HOUSING
MODELS INCLUDING
TRADITIONAL LOCAL
AUTHORITY HOUSING,
ALMOS, HOUSING
CO -OPERATIVES
AND HOUSING ASSOCIATIONS
6.1 Traditional local authority housing
works; there can be no doubt about that. The difficulties in reaching
and maintaining the decent homes standard for existing stock have
arisen largely due to councils' inability to control their long-term
income because of rent capping and stock losses due to enforced
sales under the RTB scheme. In fact, Ellesmere Port and Neston
Borough Council, like many other local authorities, is required
to give up a substantial proportion of its rental income to the
Government for re-distribution to the minority of councils that
are deemed to have a positive subsidy requirement through the
Housing Revenue Account (HRA) system.
6.2 Whilst ALMOs have been acknowledged
as successful in improving service delivery to tenants, they essentially
remain an adjunct to the local authority and there is no real
reason, other than the ALMOs' ability to access public funding
not available to the local authority, why an integral council
housing department should not be able to reach the same standards
of performance.
6.3 Housing associations, or RSLs, also
have a successful track record in developing and managing social
housing and have an invaluable resource of housing knowledge and
best practice in their staff. Partnerships between RSLs, local
authorities and other organisations mean that this knowledge is
shared, enabling continuous improvement and resulting in better
service and value for money for the end user, the tenant.
6.4 RSLs often participate in tenant-empowerment
schemes that include training in understanding housing issues
and the wider context of housing policy, the history of social
housing and its inter-relation with other government objectives.
This can result in social housing tenants entering the housing
sector as employees. This not only helps individuals into work,
but expands the collective knowledge base of the organisation
still further. At a time when housing appears to be declining
in popularity as a career choice, this is an excellent way of
tapping into latent talent.
6.5 In spite of the evidence that local
authorities and RSLs have been successfully developing and managing
social housing and, more recently, play an essential role in developing
sustainable communities and improving community participation,
it is impossible to make a direct comparison between all the social
housing models listed. Until and unless the rules are changed
to allow all housing bodies equal access to private finance and
grant funding, there can never be equality within the sector.
6.6 At present, local authorities have very
little realistic choice when it comes to developing. It is possible
to deliver some affordable housing through s106 agreements, but
the role of the local authority in these agreements is essentially
that of a broker, facilitating the end product, which is then
managed by an RSL. There is a strong argument in the face of rising
house values and increasing affordability problems to once again
allow local authorities to build in their own right. Changes would
be required to the RTB scheme to prevent wholesale losses of stock
and "cherry-picking" of the best properties and to ensure
a sustainable supply of affordable housing into the future. The
problem of affordability will only worsen over time; building
rates cannot hope to keep pace with rising demand in the short-term.
7. THE ROLE
AND EFFECTIVENESS
OF PRIVATE
RENTED HOUSING
IN MEETING
HOUSING NEEDS
7.1 Recent research by the Council of Mortgage
Lenders (CML) indicates that the younger generation now aspire
to private rented accommodation rather than home-ownership due
to low earnings and difficulty amassing the deposit needed to
purchase property and establish a mortgage. 25[25]
7.2 Conversely, it is argued that "private
renting is a marginal tenure (about 10% of all households)...
[offering] almost no security, that deposits are routinely required
and that rent levels are higher than those on low incomes can
afford".26[26]
These issues all need to be tackled before private renting can
make any real impact on meeting the needs of those who cannot
afford to access property in their own right.
7.3 Increasing numbers of private rented
accommodation in many areas may actually be having an adverse
effect on affordability, as entry-level buy-to-let properties
are often those traditionally favoured by first time buyers. Private
landlords may be eligible for tax relief on the mortgage interest
payable for rented properties and on certain maintenance costs
and fees, putting them at a further advantage compared to first
time buyers. Buy-to-let landlords in some areas are depleting
the stock of properties that would otherwise be accessible to
many marginal first time purchasers, leaving them no alternative
but to rent privately. This has a serious impact on the tenure
mix in certain localities and restricts the choice of newly forming
households and individuals to a considerable degree. High rents
and low wages mean saving is difficult so many are forced into
renting privately for long periods of time. The lack of security
of tenure for private tenants and the poor quality of some accommodation
are very concerning in this context.
7.4 Many private landlords refuse to let
to the unemployed; tenants who become benefit-dependant may be
victimised and some may be tempted to mislead a landlord about
their employment situation to procure or sustain a tenancy. Adverts
stating "No DSS" are still common and research by Shelter27[27]
shows that landlords are reluctant to take on benefit-reliant
tenants due to bureaucracy, delays in receiving payments, shortfalls
which the tenant may not be able to make up and a perception that
unemployed tenants are more likely to be involved in anti-social
behaviour than those who are working. The research found that
almost one in four property advertisements refused benefit claimants
and, in addition, half of those landlords whose adverts did not
exclude claimants refused to let to benefit-reliant tenants when
telephoned by researchers. Young individuals (under 25 years of
age) and large families were the most likely groups to be affected
by this kind of exclusion.
7.5 The cost of supporting those needing
assistance through housing benefits results in a substantial drain
on the public purse. Lack of social rented accommodation means
households are increasingly being forced into more expensive private
sector properties, resulting in higher costs to the taxpayer.
This same lack forces those households not in receipt of benefits
but still on low incomes to take the cheapest, usually the poorest
quality, private rented housing with all its attendant health
risks. The National Audit Office report referred to earlier28[28]
states "helping existing and prospective social tenants into
home-ownership results in savings for the taxpayer as low cost
home-ownership assistance costs half as much as providing a new
social home for rent". As before, however, shared-ownership
is only accessible to a very small minority of households, as
only those on the financial margin of home-ownership can afford
it.
7.6 The private rented sector does have
a part to play in housing those in need of accommodation, but
this is largely because there is no other option available for
many households. Social rented housing is in such short supply
that local authorities are effectively compelled to house those
in the most urgent need in private sector accommodation. While
social housing would clearly be preferable, there is simply not
enough of it for those in need. Many of these households would
become homeless if they were not housed in this way.
7.7 Councils are working hard to build links
with private sector landlords and to reduce homelessness through
preventative measures and initiatives such as the rent deposit
scheme. In Ellesmere Port and Neston, links are being forged through
the council's private landlords forum and landlord accreditation
scheme. Cheshire local authorities working in partnership have
successfully obtained a grant from the DCLG's Homeless Innovation
Fund to employ three private sector liaison officers working across
the county. These officers build direct links with private landlords
to help prevent homelessness, both through access to vacant properties
and by working closely with landlords and tenants to resolve any
problems which may otherwise result in the tenant being given
notice to quit. This has greatly increased the number of households
assisted into private sector accommodation and has the additional
benefit of introducing an element of choice and flexibility for
the tenant.
7.8 Though the private sector has its place
in meeting housing need, the primary motivator of private landlords
is profit, not the welfare of tenants. Close working links with
private landlords and property/ landlord registration schemes
can help to make sure the most vulnerable tenants are identified
and enabled to receive the support they need, but there is growing
evidence that unscrupulous landlords are taking advantage of the
current situation, particularly where economic migrants are concerned.
The Engagement For Empowerment Project, a two-year research project
into the housing and health needs of minority ethnic groups in
Cheshire funded jointly by the CHA and Cheshire Supporting People,
found for example that "Polish community settlement [is]
closely linked with work opportunities and private employment
agencies recruiting directly in Poland. As such this group is
more prone to exploitation resulting in overcrowded living conditions".
Overcrowding and sub-standard accommodation are still manifest
and until there is more stringent regulation of privately rented
housing there must be concerns about the quality and safety of
the accommodation available.
8. THE PRIORITIES
AND EFFECTIVENESS
OF THE
HOUSING CORPORATION,
ENGLISH PARTNERSHIPS
AND THE
REGIONAL HOUSING
BOARDS IN
RESPONDING TO
HOUSING NEEDS
8.1 The Housing Corporation plays a vital
role in regulating and promoting RSLs, increasing their efficiency
and the quality of service they provide and encouraging engagement
with tenants. In terms of priorities, the Corporation is committed
to the aims of the regional housing strategy, but a lack of flexibility
can leave it unable to fund more innovative schemes, particularly
in high-value and rural areas where such schemes are often most
sorely needed. Property prices have sustained such large increases
that the capped grant rate has fallen behind and is no longer
adequate. It would be opportune to review both the capped grant
rate and the overall financial model used by the Corporation at
this time.
8.2 That is not to say that the Corporation
does not carry out valuable work at strategic level, which it
certainly does where it is able to do so within current confines.
In support of the objectives identified by the Regional Housing
Boards, the Corporation has provided funding for new housing forming
part of wider urban regeneration schemes in and around the Pathfinder
areas in Liverpool and Manchester and in the Thames gateway. A
good example of new housing contributing to the wider regeneration
agenda is the "living over the shop" (LOTS) scheme in
Ellesmere Port, which was successful not only in providing affordable
housing, but also in assisting the economic regeneration of the
commercial town centre in which the flats are situated. The scheme
has a number of additional benefits, such as safeguarding Greenfield
sites, increasing tenant choice and reducing crime in the area.
An integrated approach like this can produce real long-term results,
but under the current procurement arrangement would be difficult
to achieve where criteria focus on an assessment of housing need
solely at a regional planning level.
8.3 English Partnerships (EP) has a flexible,
strategic, approach to housing in the UK. Its main interests are
urban regeneration, the provision of high quality affordable housing
and the creation of sustainable communities. Its approach allows
local solutions to be brought to bear on regional issues. Importantly,
EP encourages innovation in public/private partnerships, working
methods and building materials and strives to drive up the quality
of new developments. It aims to work closely with local residents
and community groups to engender a sense of ownership. The group
takes an holistic view of regeneration, recognising that good
quality affordable housing is an essential part of neighbourhood
renewal, but ensuring that existing infrastructures, environmental
considerations, economic and employment opportunities etc are
not overlooked. It is this holistic approach and the ability to
allow for local factors that enables EP to champion and drive
forward regeneration in its widest sense.
8.4 The role of regional housing boards
(RHBs) is to identify regional priorities, draw up the regional
housing strategy and, in their capacity as advisor to the Government,
they are effectively responsible for the targeting of resources.
RHBs must have adequate funding to enable them to carry out adequate
research on which to base the regional housing strategy. It is
important that there is adequate communication between housing
organisations, planning bodies and the RHB, which is facilitated
in the North West via the North West Housing Forum. It is essential
that the RHBs have access to all available information and can
establish a strong evidence base from which key regional priorities
and targets can be distinguished. Local and sub-regional housing
market assessments can assist in identifying regional priorities
and would provide an effective tool for targeting resources.
9. THE ROLE
AND EFFECTIVENESS
OF THE
PLANNING SYSTEM,
INCLUDING SECTION
106 AGREEMENTS IN
THE PROVISION
OF RENTED
HOUSING AND
SECURING MIXED
TENURE HOUSING
DEVELOPMENTS
9.1 In accordance with PPG3, 29[29]
a range of policies and plans have already been adopted, at both
district and regional level, with the aim of measuring, monitoring
and meeting housing needs, whilst making the best use of available
land. This includes promoting good design and encouraging the
creation of sustainable communities whilst protecting the existing
environment. The introduction of the Local Development Framework,
which replaces the existing Local Plan structure, has inspired
local authorities to carry out a comprehensive review of their
planning policies and to consult widely with the local community
to inform future policy. It is essential that local and regional
planning policy be based on the evidenced needs of the communities
concerned and not just on increasing supply in whatever form simply
for the sake of it.
9.2 Negotiations regarding new developments
are often lengthy due to the number and complexity of issues involved,
particularly around affordable housing and tenure mix and can
often be compromised by the need to deal with planning applications
in a very short time period. There needs to be a more realistic
balance between the requirement for the rapid processing of applications
and the requirement to ensure the quality and suitability of the
finished product.
9.3 Section 106 agreements are without doubt
useful in securing affordable housing, but not necessarily in
the form of rented accommodation, which is generally reliant on
some form of public subsidy. Many developers prefer to offer affordable
housing for sale or commuted sums as an alternative. The latter
are often put to other uses such as upgrading local infrastructures
and there is nothing inherently wrong with this, but it does nothing
to increase the supply of social housing.
9.4 There is evidence that some local authorities
have much greater success than others in engaging with developers
and it is accepted that there is a need for a more consistent
approach to the use of s.106 agreements across the region. It
is difficult to achieve consistency, however, when there is evidence
that there are distinct housing markets operating even within
the relatively small area of Cheshire.
9.5 It is our experience that some of the
large commercial developers are often reluctant to provide housing
for rent for whatever reason and they must be encouraged to work
more closely with social housing providers and local authorities
to produce greater numbers of affordable housing in general, but
particularly rented units.
10. THE EFFECTIVENESS
OF HOUSING
BENEFIT AS
A MEANS
OF PROVIDING
ACCESS TO
RENTED HOUSING
TO THOSE
IN NEED
10.1 Housing benefit does allow those most
in need of assistance to access housing they would not otherwise
be able to afford, but there are several concerns with the current
system. Not only is it a huge drain on the public purse, but it
can be a disincentive to work for those on the margins of affordability.
There may be particular issues around low-paid or part-time work
and childcare costs for single parent families. It may also be
a disincentive for those who are over-accommodated to move to
smaller, more suitable housing.
10.2 Research carried out for the Joseph
Rowntree Foundation30[30]
shows that those households whose income is just above the benefits
threshold are among the poorest in the UK. They are often faced
with a stark choice between paying bills and paying for essentials
such as food and clothing. Many feel forced to take on informal
work to ease their financial situation or fall into debt. The
same research indicates that the cumulative effect of losing associated
benefits such as free prescriptions and free school meals for
children does act as a disincentive to work. These households
are clearly not helped by the benefits system. Though many of
them may be home-owners who have bought on the very margin of
affordability, there is evidence that many social and private
tenants find themselves in the same situation.
10.3 Housing benefit can actually limit
the choices of newly forming households, as many private landlords
refuse to accept benefit-reliant tenants (see paragraph 7.4).
The single room rent is a particular instance of this and there
is an ethical debate surrounding whether fathers should be able
to have access to larger properties to accommodate visits from
children from a failed relationship.
10.4 The system is highly complex. Not everyone
who is entitled actually claims, whether through ignorance or
difficulty in accessing appropriate benefits advice. There are
particular difficulties for elderly people, those whose first
language is not English, Gypsies and Travellers and those with
physical disabilities and learning difficulties.
10.5 Since the advent of Supporting People,
there can be confusion surrounding "housing" versus
"support" costs for disabled/elderly people, which can
cause delays in processing claims.
10.6 Changes in circumstance, however small,
may have an impact on the level of benefits payable and delays
in processing changes can result in additional hardship, particularly
for those on partial benefits, whether through non-backdating
of claims or through clawback of benefits already paid.
11. THE IMPACT
OF THE
OPERATION OF
COUNCIL TAX
BENEFIT ON
THE AFFORDABILITY
OF RENTED
HOUSING
11.1 Many of the issues already noted about
housing benefit also apply to council tax benefit and there is
particular concern about poor take-up by the elderly and vulnerable
adults. This is again likely to be due to the complexity of the
claim system and confusion over entitlement.
11.2 There is anecdotal evidence that council
tax benefit acts as a disincentive to work in the same way as
housing benefit does and there are concerns that the single person
discount may encourage fraud (ie households consisting of more
than one adult claiming the single person rate).
11.3 Council tax benefit does help those
who receive it in terms of affordability and access to housing,
but those who are entitled to assistance yet do not claim may
be missing out on other forms of support and greater effort needs
to be put into finding households in this situation and understanding
why they do not claim.
APPENDIX 1
THE THREE HOUSING MARKETS IN CHESHIRE
1. Predominantly high price areas based
upon economic success, which has subsequently fuelled increases
in house prices, thus reducing the potential opportunities for
local people servicing the intermediate labour market. Affordable
housing targeted at urban and edge of town brownfield and rural
sites is a priority for these areas. (Examples of these areas
include Macclesfield and Chester.)
2. Popular commuter areas combined with
good local economic performance leading to sustainable forecasts
for future growth. These areas have seen a substantial increase
in house prices, which are now at a level unaffordable for many
first time buyers. The priorities for these areas are the investment
in continued economic success, facilitated through spatial policies
and housing investment, which encourage mixed use development
of Brownfield sites together with affordable housing provision
located in market town and rural areas. (These areas include Vale
Royal, Congleton, some areas of Ellesmere Port and Neston and
Crewe and Nantwich.)
3. Areas of potential economic growth to
be encouraged through appropriate training of local employees
to provide the required skills for employers. Housing solutions
to facilitate this provision should be aimed at new, good quality,
affordable housing to address the high cost of housing even in
the lower priced areas of Cheshire. Priorities for these areas
are regeneration of the pockets of deprivation coupled with affordable
housing to accompany the forecasted economic growth. (These areas
include those identified in the Indices of Multiple Deprivation
(IMD) 2004 as the high deprivation areas of Ellesmere Port and
Neston, Crewe and Nantwich, Vale Royal and Chester.)
13 National Affordable Housing Programme funding, administered
by the Housing Corporation (formerly known as Approved Development
Funding (ADP)). Back
14
See Cheshire Sub-Regional Housing Strategy for further details. Back
15
Available online at http://www.hbosplc.com/economy/includes/HousePriceIndexSept2006.pdf Back
16
Housing Tenure Choices by the Young, Dr Mark Andrew, June
2006, CML, available online at http://www.cml.org.uk/cml/publications/research?keyword=tenure&date=0&key-area=0&mode=search Back
17
See for example Chance of a Lifetime; The Impact of Bad Housing
on Children's Lives, Fiona Mitchell, Shelter, September 2006
and Housing and Health; Building for the Future, Dr Roger
Burrows et al, May 2003, BMA. Back
18
A Foot on the Ladder: Low Cost Home Ownership, Sir John
Bourn, Comptroller and Auditor General National Audit Office,
July 2006, available online at http://www.nao.org.uk/publications/nao_reports/05-06/05061048.pdf Back
19
Taken from the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE) data
for 2005, for all employees, published by the Office of National
Statistics (ONS), available online at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/StatBase/Product.asp?vlnk=14203&
Pos=4&ColRank=1&Rank=192 Back
20
Figures from DCLG live stock tables. Back
21
Local Authority and RSL stock combined. Back
22
Cheshire Sub-Regional Housing Strategy. Back
23
See Appendix 1. Back
24
Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future, ODPM, February
2005. Back
25
Housing Tenure Choices by the Young, June 2006, available online
at http://www.cml.org.uk/cml/publications/ research?keyword=tenure&date=0&key-area=0&mode=search Back
26
Pushed Into Private, Chris Flood, Roof Magazine, September
2006. Back
27
On The Right Path, Liam Reynolds, Shelter, October 2005,
available at http://www.rightsnet.org.uk/pdfs/on_the_right_path_shelter_oct_2005.pdf Back
28
A Foot on the Ladder: Low Cost Home Ownership, Sir John
Bourn, Comptroller and Auditor General National Audit Office,
July 2006, available online at http://www.nao.org.uk/publications/nao_reports/05-06/05061048.pdf Back
29
Planning Policy Guidance Note 3. Back
30
People in Low Paid Informal Work: Need not Greed, Dennis
Katungi, Emma Neal and Aaron Barbour, JRF Policy Press, June 2006. Back
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