Select Committee on Communities and Local Government Committee Written Evidence


Memorandum by Derby City Council (SBR 24)

1.  DERBY CITY COUNCIL

  1.1  Derby City Council is an East Midlands unitary authority with a budget in 2007-08 of £163 million (excluding schools). It is an executive member of the special interest group SIGOMA, and closely follows developments in local government finance. It has a specialist technical finance team, and often contributes to debates on funding, especially where these debates touch on the issues of local authority needs-assessment and equalisation.

2.  EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  2.1  A supplementary business rate, although it would generate welcome additional income for local government, would work against the equalisation principle by which the local government finance system is judged to be fair. In other words, it would allow some authorities to generate extremely large revenues, which could potentially be used to support the mainstream budget and thereby reduce the local council tax. Other authorities—in poorer areas with smaller tax bases—would generate smaller revenues, with the burden of the budget still falling on the local council tax.

  2.2  This paper presents three possible solutions to this problem, in the hope that the ostensible fairness of the system can be preserved while additional revenue can be generated. It also raises a question about whether the funding for large infrastructure projects should be sourced locally.

3.  PRESERVING FAIRNESS

  3.1  The equalisation principle says that council tax rates throughout the country should vary only according to local political choice, and not because of geographical circumstance. In theory, a local authority's Formula Grant (comprising Revenue Support Grant—RSG—and redistributed National Non-Domestic—NNDR—rates) is set in such a way that, if all local authorities were to spend at the level of assessed need, then council tax rates across the country would be equal. In practice, this is not the case, as a number of factors militate against equalisation, the main ones being:

    —    The adoption by the Government of the Relative Needs Formula—RNF—in which the level of assessed need is hidden from view.

    —    The imposition of grant floors and scaling factors, which impede the flow of grant to areas with the greater levels of "need".

    —    Other "incentive funding" (such as LABGI), which distributes resources as a reward, as opposed to distributing resources on the basis of "need".

  3.2  Despite these factors, equalisation as a principle underlying the grant distribution system is valuable as it provides a means by which changes to that system can be judged. Without such a principle, the strength of the case for any change would simply depend on the balance of forces of potential gainers and losers.

  3.3  A supplementary business rate would have the power to greatly upset the principle of equalisation. The Lyons Report chart 8.6 (page 298) shows the variance that would exist from upper-tier authority to upper-tier authority if a supplementary rate of 1p was levied. Derby City Council would be able to generate an amount in the region of £2 million per annum, whereas Westminster Council's amount would be about £24 million, some 12 times higher. When figures for "need" were last published by the Government (as part of the 2005-06 finance settlement, and expressed as Formula Spending Shares), Westminster's need for resources was only 1.3 times higher than Derby's.

  3.4  With such large sums being generated in some local authorities it is difficult to see how the introduction of a supplementary business rate would not end up supporting mainstream expenditure and reducing the council tax in those areas. Westminster already has one of the lowest band D council tax rates in the country (£682, compared with the England average of £1,321), and an additional £24 million could reduce this to below £500. It is therefore clear that a supplementary business rate could not be introduced without some additional means by which this skewing effect on council tax rates could be tempered, or even avoided.

  3.5  Derby City Council here suggests three possible solutions (although none of them is perfect):

3.6  Ring-fencing

  3.6.1  One option would be to treat the supplementary business rate as a large-scale Business Improvement District (BID). In other words, it would be down to the business sector to propose a scheme (or schemes), which would be funded by the supplementary business rate. That way would ensure that the additional resources were not being used to support the mainstream budget, and would result in no effect on tax-payers.

  3.6.2 However, there are a number of drawbacks to this approach:

    (a)  Many local authorities are already promoting business growth and investing in infrastructure in their areas. It is by no means certain that the schemes proposed by the business community would be wholly different from those contained within existing local authority plans.

    (b)  Would the supplementary business rate replace or work alongside existing BIDs? If it were to replace BIDs, then it would seem to lack the local focus that BIDs have (Why should shops in the suburbs contribute to city centre improvements, for instance?) If the supplementary business rate were to work alongside BIDs, then potentially the billing authority would have to administer three separate ratings per property. All this could result in a tremendous amount of additional work for local authorities.

    (c)  Ring-fencing income is anathema to the notion of local autonomy. Throughout local government it is popularly believed that income allocated to (or generated by) a local authority should be spent by that authority in any way it sees fit, without interference from central government.

3.7  Centralisation

  3.7.1  Some degree of centralisation of any additional resources generated by a supplementary business rate would prevent the scheme from having too severe a skewing affect on council tax. Given that NNDR increases over the past 15 years have been kept in line with inflation, while council tax increases have been above inflation, there is some scope for business rates to be reasonably increased anyway. Although the Lyons Inquiry came down against this, it could be possible to increase NNDR by, say, 0.2p above inflation for the next 10 years, and using this money to support mainstream local government expenditure. This would generate an additional £87 million per year for the next 10 years.

  3.7.2  In addition to (or instead of) this, any income raised through a supplementary rate could be scaled back by, say, 20%, and this could also be used to support mainstream expenditure. Currently mainstream revenue grant for local government is scaled back by about 70% and so any additional support in this area would be crucial for equalisation to work.

  3.7.3  Although centralisation on such a scale would seem to go against the spirit in which Sir Michael Lyons proposed a supplementary business rate, it actually can be used to support local aspirations. An increase in Formula Grant funded by an increase in rates (and the top-slicing of a supplementary business rate) would mean that all authorities would receive additional resources, which could then be used to deliver projects based on local priorities. Such funding would be distributed in line with "need", and would not based on fortuitous geographical factors (that no local authority can control).

  3.7.4  Unfortunately, even this approach would add greatly to the administration of NNDR, in terms of allocating revenue, reliefs and rebates either to the national pot or retaining them locally.

3.8  Quid Pro Quo

  3.8.1  Rather than attempting to modify a supplementary business rate in order to make it more compliant with the equalisation principle, other aspects of the local government finance system could be modified such that the overall level of equalisation is improved.

  3.8.2  SIGOMA—of which Derby is an executive member—has made a separate submission to the Select Committee Inquiry in which it highlights two inequities in the local government finance system:

    —    A damping mechanism contained within the Personal Social Services Relative Needs Formula. This mechanism reduced SIGOMA's collective RNF funding by some £226 million in 2007-08.

    —    A failure on the Government's part to commit to the revaluation of domestic properties so that the council tax system could be based on up-to-date information.

  If either or both of these inequities could be removed from the system at the time of a supplementary business rate being introduced, then the distributional effects would tend to cancel out, making the process more manageable and improving equalisation in some areas at the same time.

4.  FUNDING NEW INFRASTRUCTURE

  4.1  In discussing how local authorities could spend the revenues raised by a supplementary business rate, the key word used by the Lyons Inquiry seemed to be "infrastructure". It is certainly the case that the Mayor of London intends to use a supplementary rate to part-fund Crossrail. Clearly, the additional revenue is meant to be used for addressing major transport needs, and will go beyond the scope of work usually carried out in a Business Improvement District.

  4.2  However, this raises the issue of the need for infrastructure. If such a need exists, is it not capable of being assessed against objective criteria that are applied to all authorities? If so, could this not be funded by central government in the same way in which other local authority spending need is funded?

  4.3  Local business would no doubt benefit from improvements to the local infrastructure, but the benefit of such schemes usually extends well beyond immediate administrative boundaries, and so there is a further argument in favour of centralising a proportion of the income generated by a supplementary business rate, and using this to subsidise need-assessed infrastructure projects

5.  RECOMMENDATIONS

  5.1  That the Committee recognises that a supplementary business rate could not be introduced without at the same time introducing other mechanisms to prevent a severe skewing of the local government finance system.

  5.2  That this other mechanism would consist largely of centralisation and redistribution, recognising that resources should flow to where the need to spend is greatest.





 
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