Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Third Report


2  Business background

The Legal Aid budget

23. While the Carter review of legal aid procurement seeks to focus on the issue of value for taxpayers' money in procuring publicly funded legal advice and representation, one of the main objectives of the review and, indeed, the current reform proposals, is to limit the increase in legal aid expenditure and achieve savings of about £100 million by 2010 against the amount spent in 2005-06.[16] As Lord Carter told us: "I think it was clear that the system was under financial pressure and one can never ignore that. That was always there as a sort of leitmotif in the background".[17]

24. This motive for reform is understandable considering the pressure on the legal aid budget. We therefore support attempts to tackle the sharp rise in expenditure in the 'problem areas' of the legal aid budget (Crown Court defence cases and child care proceedings)[18]. As Lord Carter confirmed, easing the pressure on civil legal aid by containing the explosion in spending on criminal legal aid will be the crucial objective of the current reform proposals.[19]

INCREASES IN THE LEGAL AID BUDGET

25. Between 1996-97 and 2003-04, overall legal aid expenditure increased from approximately £1.5 billion to nearly £2.1 billion. While it appears that overall legal aid expenditure peaked in 2003-04 and may even be slowly decreasing (£2.077 billion in 2003-04; £2.028 in 2005-06), two areas of legal aid spending remain of considerable concern in terms of high expenditure: criminal defence in the Crown Court, which now accounts for £696 million compared to £313 million in 1996-97 (with, as yet, no sign of peaking); and litigation and advice in child care proceedings, where gross spending rose from £94 million in 1999-01 to £209 million in 2005-06[20] and is projected to rise even further.[21]

26. However, a more complex picture emerges when costs per case in the different areas of the legal aid budget are explored. The LECG study of Lord Carter's proposals of September 2006, commissioned by the Law Society, provides this concise summary of the development of the legal aid budget:

"It is correct that total legal aid costs have increased significantly over the past decade. However, it is also important to recognise that the increases do not apply to all areas of legal aid or over the most recent period. In the past three years, 2002-06, costs in most areas of criminal and civil work have increased only slowly if at all, and on a per case basis have often decreased. During 2002-06 total legal aid cash payments have risen at a rate of 2.1% per year. Within this CLS [Community Legal Service] payments have risen at 0.7% per year and lower CDS [Criminal Defence Service] payments (excluding crown court) have fallen at - 1.6%. Within lower CDS, police station attendance costs have risen at an average 4.4% per year, but adjusted for higher case loads risen only at 0.4% per year. Magistrates' court costs have fallen by 0.1% per year and per case by 0.5%. After allowing for inflation these each represent net decreases in real per case costs. The main area of increase has been in crown court and higher court costs, which (combining solicitors' and barristers' costs), have increased at an annual rate of 7.4%, or 8.1% per case. LSC administration costs have also increased at an annual rate of 10.6% during the period."[22]

27. Similar trends were identified by Professor Ed Cape, of the University of the West of England, and Professor Richard Moorhead, our specialist adviser, in their study of cost drivers in the criminal legal aid budget completed in July 2005.[23] We were particularly struck by the rise in Crown Court expenditure since 1997, which Professor Cape and Professor Moorhead described as "little short of dramatic".[24] When we asked Professor Cape about this rise in Crown Court costs, he informed us that:

"The only area of major increase in expenditure has been Crown Court legal aid and that has been true over the past five or more years.[…] What we found with the Crown Court was that quite a large part of the increase could be accounted for by an increase in volume, an increase in the number of claims, and since most defendants in the Crown Court get legal aid that meant that there was an increase in the number of cases appearing before the Crown Court and that was obviously exerting upward pressure on expenditure. The average cost per claim did not and has not significantly increased; it has increased, but not that significantly."[25]

The survey by Professor Cape and Professor Moorhead found that the average costs per case in the Crown Court where solicitors were paid on an hourly rate basis had only increased at a rate of 2.7% per annum in the period between 2001-02 and 2004-05 and thus more or less in line with inflation.[26] The LSC confirmed these findings, when it wrote in its Crime Change Programme Q&As of 2 April 2007 that "we are generally satisfied that whilst costs have risen because volumes have risen, in fact unit cost has remained fairly stable".[27]

28. The picture in the other problem area of legal aid, child care proceedings (sometimes also referred to as Public Law children cases), is less clear; indications point to an increase in average costs per case as the cause of rising expenditure: according to the DCA, volumes in child care cases have grown by 37% since 1999-2000, while expenditure has increased, in real terms, by 77%, implying a significant rise in cost per case. [28]

29. As opposed to spending on publicly funded Crown Court defence work and child care proceedings legal aid, legal aid expenditure for non-family civil legal aid, especially in the categories of social welfare law, has not increased over the last decade: gross cash spending on civil legal help (i.e. legal advice, excluding representation in court) fell from £320 million in 2003-04 to £227 million in 2005-06, and now is just slightly above the level of £210 million in 2001-02.[29] The Civil Justice Council's Access to Justice Committee, in its response to the initial DCA/LSC consultation on the Carter proposal of July 2006, was of the opinion that no clear case had been made in either the Carter report or the DCA consultation for a pressing need for reform of civil legal aid; it concluded that:

"[…] the proposals, if implemented, carry greater risks in terms of damage to civil legal aid provision, and access to justice, than the minimal financial improvements to the overall legal aid budget."[30]

While these comments predate the modification of the proposals for new civil fee schemes, they still make an important point in calling for a risk-based approach to legal aid procurement reform. We agree with the Civil Justice Council.

30. While there is no room for complacency about the cost of legal aid even where expenditure in certain categories has peaked or is declining, reforms should first tackle those areas of legal aid where expenditure is continuing to rise unsustainably, especially where these reforms are radical in their nature, untested and associated with an unpredictable risk to the stability of the legal aid market. A risk-oriented, staged approach to procurement reform is required, where the expected benefits to the legal aid system are carefully balanced against the risks in each separate area of provision.

IDENTIFYING THE MAJOR COST DRIVERS

31. In order to assess the current reform proposals it is imperative to identify the real cost drivers in the two high cost areas of legal aid. Only where reforms tackle these cost drivers can they have the potential of delivering a long-term sustainable legal aid budget and be justified in the light of the considerable risk to the viability of a high quality legal aid supplier base.

32. However, neither the precursor to Lord Carter's report, the DCA command paper: A Fairer Deal for Legal Aid of July 2005, nor the Carter Report itself contain a thorough analysis of the factors leading to the increase in legal aid expenditure for Crown Court and child care cases. Professor Cape told us that there was inadequate research on cost drivers on which Lord Carter could have based his Report:

"[…] Carter did not really conduct any research to try to understand in any greater detail why legal aid costs have been increasing and that is a fundamental problem. If you do not understand why they have been increasing and do not understand the true nature of that increase - because, although in overall terms it is quite significant, the vast majority of that comes from the Crown Court and quite a large proportion of that increase is accounted for by a very small number of cases - if you do not understand why it has been going up, I do not understand how you can know whether the proposed solutions are going to solve the problem. In general terms my view is that the proposed solution will not solve the problem because the fundamental causes have not been understood, let alone been tackled."[31]

33. These comments were echoed by Professor Judith Masson, of Bristol University, a family law expert and member of the Family Justice Council, who said with regard to cost drivers in child care proceedings:

"The real difficulty in relation to public childcare proceedings is that the Legal Services Commission and Lord Carter know much, much less about this system than they know about the criminal system. Lord Carter did a lot less work. He did not even speak to the Family Justice Council […], it was a great shame that he only sent questions rather than came to speak to the Family Justice Council and the questions suggested that he had a very limited understanding of the system. I have to say that goes too for the childcare proceedings review that the DCA commissioned prior to Carter out of A Fairer Deal for Legal Aid. They really did not understand how care proceedings operated. They did not understand the sort of proceedings that there were. They had no idea how much they cost. […] I would reiterate the things Professor Cape has said about lack of knowledge in the Legal Services Commission about care proceedings' costs."[32]

34. We were not surprised to hear those comments. The terms of reference for Lord Carter's review did not go beyond the immediate issue of devising a new procurement system for publicly funded legal services and therefore severely limited the scope of his review. Much of our evidence made this point. We agree with the comments submitted to us by Alderson Dodds Solicitors:

"The extremely narrow scope of its terms of reference to procurement in our view has made it something of a sterile exercise. No consideration has been given to the external factors affecting the cost of Legal Aid. No consideration has been given to alternative sources of funding, such as a diversion of local authority and charitable funding away from the Not for Profit sector to the more cost effective front line providers. Defendant Cost Orders and alternative directions for funding of experts are all matters which could usefully have been considered in the wholesale review which is needed."[33]

35. The Constitutional Affairs Committee in its 2003-04 inquiry into the Criminal Defence Service Bill and the re-introduction of means testing for criminal legal aid in the magistrates' court lamented the paucity of available research into the cost drivers of criminal legal aid expenditure. The Committee hoped that "the Fundamental Legal Aid Review will enable the Department [for Constitutional Affairs] to identify the major factors which have caused the increase in the Criminal Defence Service expenditure".[34] That hope has not been realised.

36. We received a great deal of largely anecdotal evidence about the cost drivers in the legal aid budget. Increases in case volumes, the number of criminal offences on the statute book, complexity of procedural law and the increase in the number of expert assessments in care proceedings were only some of the reasons cited for the increase in legal aid spending over the last decade.[35] Views differed as to whether the procurement and remuneration reform proposals would address the major cost factors.[36] In the absence of comprehensive qualitative and quantitative research into the true cost drivers in legal aid expenditure on Crown Court and care proceedings, we are not able to judge whether the reform proposals will indeed tackle the major cost drivers and lead to a more sustainable development of the 'problem areas' in the legal aid budget.

37. However, we understand that certain factors widely believed to be important cost drivers in the Crown Court and child care legal aid budget, such as rising legal aid expenses for expert evidence, are about to be examined by the DCA and LSC through further research.[37] We also noted with interest the promising positive results of the magistrates' courts tests in 2006 which formed part of the overall Criminal Justice: Simple, Speedy, Summary Review by the DCA, the Home Office and the Attorney General's Office: this programme led to a 70% reduction in first hearing adjournments in the magistrates' courts and significantly increased the number of cases where guilty pleas were entered at the first hearing and which could then be dealt with on the day of that hearing.[38] When introduced nationally, these reforms to case management in the magistrates' courts may have a beneficial impact on legal aid expenditure.

38. The major cost drivers in the criminal legal budget and in the budget for child care proceedings are not fully understood. We believe that radical reforms of the criminal and civil legal aid system, intended to put legal aid on a more sustainable footing, can only be planned on the basis of a fuller understanding of the actual reasons for the increase in expenditure in the areas of concern. Necessary qualitative and quantitative research into the cost drivers in criminal legal aid and child care proceedings needs to be carried out as a matter of urgency.

The supplier base

THE DECLINE IN THE SUPPLIER BASE

39. Change in the legal aid supplier base is already a matter of considerable concern. Various studies commissioned in the context of the Carter reform discussions confirm this. The number of solicitors' offices holding a civil legal aid contract with the LSC is in steady decline: while 4,854 solicitors' offices held civil contracts in 2001, only 3,632 firms held contracts in March 2006, a decline of about 25%. This trend, as the LSC noted in its Annual Report 2005-06, is a continuing one.[39] In some of the civil law contract categories the decline is even more marked (N.B. A firm usually holds LSC contracts for more than one category of the law):
Civil contracts by category
   00/01 01/0202/03 03/0404/05 05/06change
Family 42434039 35913595 32733118 2887-32%
Housing 840788 707662 598604 587-30%
Welfare Benefits 673636 588556 506483 459-32%
Debt 618549 515475 418405 401-35%
Immigration 483548 591644 604498 367-24%
Employment 403373 316288 264238 216-46%
Mental Health 334355 352355 317309 283-15%
Clinical Negligence 250251 300295 304290 2739%
Consumer 193151 11394 6849 40-79%
Education 3544 5261 5861 5557%
Community Care 2738 4962 5872 76181%
Public Law 926 2839 3446 46411%
All (excl person. Injury) 81087798 72027126 65026173 5690-30%

40. Legal aid supplier groups provided graphic examples of the present composition of the specialist supplier base and the decline in the number of cases dealt with. The family law solicitors' association Resolution, for example, noted that not only had family legal aid contracts reduced by over a third between 2000 and now, but also that matter starts (i.e. the beginning of cases) had declined from 410,916 cases in 2000-01 to 283,274 in 2005-06. [40] This represented a huge decline in access to justice for people with family problems as firms gave up legal aid work because of the poor rates of pay, the bureaucracy and costs of administering legal aid contracts and difficulties in recruiting and retaining suitably qualified staff. The Mental Health Lawyers Association (MHLA) wrote that "the number of Law Society Panel Mental Health Panel Specialists has declined by close to 25% since 2000, whilst those mentally unwell clients requiring representation at Mental Health Review Tribunals has risen by over 10% in the same period".[41]

41. The decline in the number of solicitors' offices holding a criminal legal aid contract was not as marked as that on the civil and family side, but still declining about 10% from 2,925 in 2000-01 to 2,608 in 2006.[42]

42. Whilst the supplier base has contracted, the LSC has emphasised that in 2005-06 it had financed more acts of assistance at civil and family legal help (i.e. initial advice and assistance) than at any point since 2000-01.[43] The number of acts of legal help rose to almost 710,000. The number of acts of representation in court proceedings, however, has continued to decline.
Acts of Assistance (civil) in thousand
  2001-022002-03 2003-042004-05 2005-06
Civil & Family Representation 225205 215202 195
Civil & Family Legal Help 646657 590560 710
Immigration and Asylum 134156 12094 91

The LSC stated that "access [to justice] is about the numbers of people helped, and the way in which they use those services, rather than the number of provider organisations".[44] That is true up to a point, but the geographical distribution of legal advice and assistance is also important. The evidence we received during the course of our inquiry has increased our concerns as to the current coverage of publicly funded legal services throughout the country. It suggests that some areas of England and Wales, including rural and some urban areas, do not have adequate supply of publicly funded legal services.

43. The Director of the Advice Services Alliance, Richard Jenner, for example, informed us that provision in social welfare law (including housing, debt, welfare benefits and community care) remained patchy in different areas of the country and in some areas even "fairly poor"; where there were providers, they frequently lacked capacity under their contract to deal with demand in their local area.[45] Nicola Mackintosh, a Legal Aid solicitor, confirmed this: "legal aid practitioners in social welfare law regularly turn away several clients each day" and "these clients are not taken up by other suppliers as they are already at full capacity".[46] This assessment was echoed by Richard Charlton, Chair of the MHLA, talking about mental health law, where he identified areas such as East Anglia, Hull and North Yorkshire as areas of unmet need.[47] In criminal legal aid, Rodney Warren, the Director of the Criminal Law Solicitors' Association, pointed to shortages in the south-west of England, in south-west Wales and the north-east of England.[48] Other witnesses added Cumbria and certain parts of Wales to this list.[49]

44. David Emmerson, Chair of Resolution's Legal Aid Committee, told us about the balance between supplier base and demand in family law:

"If you plot a map round the country of all the different contracts in family law there would be reasonable coverage, but in places like East Anglia and Wales there would be a fairly clear lack of provision, but the real issue is what the capacity of those existing organisations is. Our experience is that firms are not able to use all of their allocation of matter starts, they are not able to cope with the volume of work they are getting in to their offices because they cannot afford to expand sufficiently to meet the local need, so, in my view, it is not a question of advice deserts, it is a question of capacity throughout the country as a whole, and I think throughout the country there are problems."[50]

Susan Harlow from HCL Hanne & Company and Jenny Edwards, from the East London firm T.V. Edwards, both confirmed this analysis and stressed that their large firms routinely had to turn away between 20% and 75% of family cases[51] and, in the case of T.V. Edwards, 40-50% of those approaching the firm for advice in social welfare law.[52]

45. While the LSC informed us in its supplementary evidence that there were currently no signs of a significant increase in the number of legal aid practitioners leaving the market,[53] numerous providers who submitted evidence to this inquiry indicated that under the fee levels as proposed by Lord Carter and the DCA/LSC they would consider giving up legal aid work. The mood of many legal aid providers appears to be captured by Jacqueline Everett's comments in her written submission to us:

"20 years ago, in my view, this country's legal aid system was unparalleled and one I felt both proud and privileged to be part of. I am 50 this year, as indeed are many of my colleagues working in legal aid firms (described by the law society as the "aged supplier base"). We feel tired, demoralised, betrayed and angry. We have jumped through all the hoops set by the Legal Services Commission have set; they are now changing the rules yet again and expect us to continue to invest yet more time and money in a system which will not work. I believe that the Carter proposals, together with the LSC's interpretation of them will mean that it will be impossible to offer clients an adequate (let alone high quality) service. I will give up my legal practice. I will not go into another area of law, as this was not why I became a solicitor: I will probably look for a teaching post. I know from speaking to other legal aid practitioners, that they are also considering giving up. There is no-one coming up behind us; a pool of experienced and dedicated people will be lost. I do not ask for sympathy for myself or for them; we will no doubt find better paid jobs with shorter hours and better conditions of employment. My concern is that the disadvantaged and socially excluded will not have access to justice."[54]

46. Such anecdotal impressions fall short of reliable statistical evidence of current undersupply in certain categories of legal aid in some areas of the country or of a rise in the number of legal aid lawyers leaving the system. Yet, they indicated that the reforms may lead to a further decline in the number of legal aid providers with potentially severe effects on the provision and availability of publicly funded legal services in certain areas of the country and particular categories of legal aid work.

THE FRAGILITY OF THE LEGAL AID SUPPLIER BASE

47. The legal aid supplier base across the country is generally economically vulnerable. The LECG study[55] on the Carter proposals and the two studies commissioned by the LSC from Otterburn Legal Consulting[56] came to the conclusion that most criminal legal aid firms operate on the edge of their profitability, as was recognised in the Carter Report.[57] The overall assessment of the current situation was that the financial position of many criminal suppliers was highly fragile. Some firms were financially strong, "however these are very much in the minority".[58]

48. Because of the general lack of management information and reliable data on firm income etc, which was remarked upon by Lord Carter,[59] Otterburn Legal Consulting, in its analysis, primarily relied on a very limited dataset to assess current, and project future, profitability, largely drawn from 38 questionnaires from the top 100 criminal law firms. Andrew Otterburn therefore cautioned that "these firms are not representative of suppliers generally - they are amongst the largest firms, and most successful in terms of profitability. Whatever the results for these firms, the profitability of the supplier base generally is likely to be worse".[60]

49. On the basis of a wider survey of mainly smaller legal aid firms in 2003, Otterburn concluded that in 2003 publicly funded defence work had a profit margin of 15% compared to -3% for publicly funded civil and family work.[61] In 2005, data for the smaller, elite group of the 100 top criminal law firms indicated that profit margins for criminal legal aid work were down to 4.5%. Otterburn observed therefore that "a like for like comparison would probably have seen an even greater reduction".[62] Based on the data of Otterburn's first study on criminal legal aid firms' profitability, the LECG in their study arrived at profitability ranges of between -6% for firms with between one and five fee earners and 2.3% for firms with 13-40 fee earners; firms with more than 40 fee earners only achieved a profit margin of 1.0%.[63]

50. Civil legal aid suppliers are generally believed to be in an even more economically precarious position, as civil legal aid work has been found to be even less profitable than criminal legal aid work.[64]

51. Where the legal aid supplier base is generally economically fragile and in continuing, significant decline, reforms to legal aid remuneration and procurement must not lead to a further acceleration of this decline and reduction of the profitability of legal aid work.


16   Lord Carter's Review of Legal Aid Procurement, Legal Aid: A market-based approach to reform, p 3 Back

17   Q 2 Back

18   Rt Hon Lord Falconer QC, Secretary of State and Lord Chancellor, DCA, described these areas in his oral evidence to us "the big drivers": Q 306. Back

19   Lord Carter's Review of Legal Aid Procurement, Legal Aid: A market-based approach to reform,p 3 Back

20   Figures as supplied by the DCA. Back

21   The Times, 28 December 2006, p 14 Back

22   LECG, Legal Aid Reforms Proposed by the Carter Report - Analysis and Commentary, September 2006, para1.5 (p 3), www. lawsociety.org.uk Back

23   Ed Cape/Richard Moorhead Demand Induced Supply? Identifying Cost Drivers in Criminal Defence Work (London, July 2005) Back

24   Ibid, p 53 Back

25   Q 104 Back

26   Ed Cape/Richard Moorhead, Demand Induced Supply? Identifying Cost Drivers in Criminal Defence Work (London, July 2005), p 55 Back

27   LSC, Crime Change Programme Q&As, April 2007, p 35, www.legalservices.gov.uk Back

28   DCA, A Fairer Deal for Legal Aid, Cm 6591, July 2005, , para 2.37 Back

29   Figures supplied by the DCA Back

30   Civil Justice Council, Access to Justice Committee Response to DCA/LSC's Consultation Paper 'Legal Aid: a sustainable future', para 13 Back

31   Q 104 Back

32   Q 122 Back

33   Ev 205 Back

34   Constitutional Affairs Committee, Fifth Report of Session 2003-04, Draft Criminal Defence Service Bill, HC 746-I para 40 Back

35   E.g. Q 154 [Lord Justice Thomas]; Ev 284 [Sir Mark Potter P]; Ev 195 [Campbell Sansbury Solicitors] Back

36   E.g. Q 155 [Lord Justice Thomas], Q 181 [Professor Cape] Back

37   LSC, Legal Aid Reform: Family and Family Mediation Fee Schemes, consultation paper, March 2007, paras 2.56-2.58 Back

38   DCA, Delivering Simple, Speedy, Summary Justice - an evaluation of the magistrates' courts tests, March 2007, www. dca.gov.uk Back

39   LSC, Annual Report 2005-06, p 18; see also R Moorhead, "Legal aid and the decline of private practice: blue murder or toxic job?", (2004) 11 International Journal of the Legal Profession, pp 159 ff Back

40   Ev 81  Back

41   Ev 207 Back

42   Figures supplied by the DCA. Back

43   LSC, Annual Report 2005-06, p 21 Back

44   Ev 292 Back

45   Q 174 Back

46   Ev 106 Back

47   Q 202 Back

48   Q 274 Back

49   Q 206 [Roy Morgan] and Q 181 [Adam Griffith] Back

50   Q 206 Back

51   Ev 230 Back

52   Ev 141 Back

53   Ev 301, 302 Back

54   Ev 99 Back

55   LECG, Legal Aid Reforms Proposed by the Carter Report - Analysis and Commentary, September 2006, www. lawsociety.org.uk Back

56   Otterburn Legal Consulting, Lord Carter's Review of Legal Aid Procurement - 2005 and 2006 Surveys of Crime Firms, June 2006; Otterburn Legal Consulting, The impact on the supplier base of reductions in criminal fees from April 2007, November 2006, www.dca.gov.uk Back

57   Lord Carter's Review of Legal Aid Procurement, Legal Aid: A market-based approach to reform,p43 Back

58   Otterburn Legal Consulting, The impact on the supplier base of reductions in criminal fees from April 2007, November 2006, p 1, www.dca.gov.uk Back

59   Lord Carter's Review of Legal Aid Procurement, Legal Aid: A market-based approach to reform, p iii Back

60   Otterburn Legal Consulting, The impact on the supplier base of reductions in criminal fees from April 2007, November 2006, p 13, www.dca.gov.uk Back

61   Ibid, p 11 Back

62   Ibid, p 12 Back

63   LECG, Legal Aid Reforms Proposed by the Carter Report - Analysis and Commentary, September 2006, para 4.49, www. lawsociety.org.uk Back

64   Otterburn Legal Consulting, The impact on the supplier base of reductions in criminal fees from April 2007, November 2006, pp 9, 11, 37, www.dca.gov.uk Back


 
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