Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by Simon Tierney (LAR 126)

1.  MY BACKGROUND AND CURRENT SITUATION

  1.  I have worked full time in private practice since 1978, as a solicitor from 1982 to 1987 then as a barrister until 1994, and subsequently as a solicitor higher courts advocate (all rights) and duty solicitor, for a small London firm with a crime only contract with the LSC. Over the years I have dealt with most areas of legally aided work, but since franchising was introduced I have gradually curtailed my involvement and now only deal with criminal work on legal aid. I have been a "franchise representative" since 1999. In my opinion, unless modified substantially, the proposed reforms will impose discredited, destructive and unworkable initiatives that will irreversibly damage the criminal justice system.

2.  A BRIEF HISTORY OF LEGAL AID REFORM

  2.  When I joined the legal profession the traditional model of high street practice was multi-disciplinary, including legal aid work, often with fee earners undertaking a variety of work for the firm's clients. Often, clients required legal advice and representation on more than one type of matter, some of which were poorly remunerated under the "green form scheme" but the policy of practices was to provide a full range of services to their clients, utilising the skills of counsel where necessary. Counsel were also operating in a wide range of work types, but dealt with a limited number of cases and were thereby able to devote more time and concentration to each. In 1995, the concept of "franchising" was introduced by the legal aid board, a complex set of rules and regulations, with increased bureaucracy apparently modelled upon the "Total Quality Management" concept that was popularised in the USA during the 1980s. In addition to LAFQAS (the legal aid boards first edition of its quality standards) the legal aid board also produced a series of checklists they called their "Transaction Criteria" against which files were to be audited. Each firm was required to pass both preliminary and full audits against LAFQAS and the Transaction Criteria in order to retain their franchise. The transaction criteria were later dropped by the legal aid board. My "account manager" informed me, this was because they were too easy to fulfil, and firms were using them as checklists in their files. Part of the franchising regime was to split types of publicly funded work into numerous discrete categories, and to impose a requirement that a firm must undertake specified high volumes of each type of work in order to be franchised to offer publicly funded legal services in that category. The profession warned the legal aid board at the time that the franchising requirements were too demanding, that a shortage of firms to service the public need would result, and that it would not be possible to attract firms back into those areas of work. The legal aid board seemed unconcerned, to the extent that the apparent intention of the volume requirements was to withdraw public funding by stealth as a social policy. During succeeding years an initiative called the "Public Defender Service" was commenced, apparently aimed at replacing the existing infrastructure of solicitors firms to provide publicly funded services within the criminal justice system with an all new state funded service. Several years on, over budget, and at huge and unnecessary public cost, that initiative has been shelved and no proper financial report on it has been disclosed. Latterly the LSC introduced an initiative called "price competitive tendering" wherein firms would be required to place bids for tranches of work within redefined geographical boundaries. That initiative failed but has been resurrected in Lord Carter's proposals. It has been an expressed intention of the LSC for some years to "cull" the number of firms providing publicly funded criminal defence services, (by more than 60% in London). That initiative is based on the assumption that to exterminate smaller firms would drive costs down.

  2.2  I challenge the rationale of the "cull" upon the basis that the existing supplier base can provide good value for money in conjunction with the larger firms Lord Carter wishes for, and at the same time provide true competition and choice of representation.

  2.3  The Public Defender Service experiment failed, but if the current proposals are implemented unchanged and also fail there will be no infrastructure left to continue providing services in the criminal defence sector.

COMMENTS ON LORD CARTERS PROPOSALS

These comments reference to the headings, paragraph, and page numbers in Lord Carter's report

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

3.

  Even before legal aid franchising was introduced the quality of legal advice and representation received by the public from the professionals, (whose dedication and integrity Lord Carter acknowledges), has never been subject to any general criticism of which I am aware.

  Whilst like many of my colleagues I am not opposed in principle to quality assurance measures, and indeed I have complied with several audits, the measures so far tried have not been beneficial and have added to the legal aid budget.

  The important point which this report does not take sufficient account of is that Legal Aid work has only been marginally profitable for many years, and the proposals will inevitably result in substantial loss making by all suppliers in certain areas.

  The Government must acknowledge that its suppliers have been operating on low profit margins for many years and neither peer review, nor, I suspect, any other quality assurance system, would allow suppliers to maintain the quality of their services with lower profit margins.

8.

  In the light of the Criminal Justice act 2003, anti-social behaviour orders the new sexual offences act and numerous other new developing areas of law, and the increased number of requests for legal representation in the police station, reducing the criminal defence budget by 20% without reducing the quality of the service is totally unrealistic.

15.

  The proposed restriction on client choice of legal representative is typically over prescriptive and may contravene article 6 ECHR. By the time the masterplan of replacing the existing market with the new engineered market by redefining boundaries to force mergers and bring about the "cull" has failed, the position will be irrecoverable.

16.

  The levels of fixed fee proposed for police station work are totally inadequate and suggest a fundamental ignorance of the nature of that work, or something more cynical.

  I have two cases presently on my desk in which police have rebailed the client more than four times whilst making a decision whether or not to charge with the CPS.

  Even if the apparent initiative to replace all duty solicitors with cheaper accredited representatives on the duty scheme were successful firms could not make a profit on the fixed fees proposed in these cases.

  This falls into the category of inefficiencies over which the defence has no control that Lord Carter refers to in his report, but apparently takes little or no account of in his recommendations.

  The travelling and waiting rates for a solicitor attending a police station as own solicitor are approximately £25.00 per hour, the approximate private hourly rate for that solicitor in Greater London is £250.00.

  Travelling and waiting costs have always been, at best, a loss leader for criminal defence solicitors, and have never provided more than minimum compensation for lost billable hours. I cannot see how police station work can be remunerated by fixed fee without abolishing or restricting the power of police to bail a client to return to the station.

  Said Lord Carter of Coles in his interview, published in the Law Society's Gazette 7 September 2006.

  I personally cannot understand why the prosecution should not be required to decide whether to charge or not before the end of the first period of detention, or, at most after one bail back.

  If defendants must be bailed back again and again, as they frequently are, continuing to pay the minimal travelling and waiting rates would be the most cost effective way of keeping the system viable.

17.

  I do not oppose the introduction of a graduated fee scheme in the Magistrates' court provided that it realistically takes account of the numerous adjournments which occur due to prosecution inefficiency, and remunerates the defence appropriately.

  The present graduated fee scheme in the Crown Court pays £46.50 gross and no travelling expenses for case progression hearings which in my experience are almost never due to defence issues.

19.

  I am in agreement with the principle that junior advocates should receive more and I do not think the proposed changes will cause any hardship to Queens Counsel, however I regret that the Government has seen fit to delay the changes until next April.

20.

  Since the very high cost cases are to be controlled by individual contract managers I see no justification to restricting a defendant's right to free choice of representative.

  Of course it is possible to imagine circumstances in which a particular firm would be unable to provide the best service to a client, but generally any firm should be allowed to represent a client in a VHCC at the rates set and subject to the contract manager's budgetary controls.

  The proposed panel serves no real public interest and may be susceptible to challenge under article 6.

27, 28.

  I am not opposed to quality assurance measures but I repeat that quality cannot be maintained at reduced cost when the profit margins are as slim as they presently are.

30.

  The figures quoted here are depressing indeed, for anyone who knows the amount of work required to run any individual case.

  The philosophy appears to be the antithesis of that applied to the revised graduated fee scheme in the Crown Court, with 40 fee earners managing the work and a small number of partners reaping the profit.

  I foresee the recruitment of young professionals into criminal defence work as almost impossible in the future unless some guarantees of proper remuneration are found.

44.

  It is difficult to understand how Lord Carter's proposals to reduce the overall budget by 20% when the public demand for services is increasing, and incidentally putting 800 firms out of business, is calculated to help the atmosphere of mistrust and suspicion to which this paragraph refers.

LIST OF RECOMMENDATIONS

3.1

  Best value tendering (called block contracting in 1995, and price competitive tendering more recently) will kill the goose that laid the golden egg.

  For decades the small solicitors firms who have supplied criminal defence services have operated on small profit margins to provide a personal service to their clients.

  Lord Carter formally acknowledges the risk that it will destroy the "supplier base" elsewhere in his report, but there is nothing to counteract those concerns.

  Surely it is obvious that reducing the number of firms competing for work and at the same time reducing profit margins is anti-competitive and bound to lead to lowering of standards all by itself?

4.1

  The construction of new boundary areas seems principally aimed at controlling the prospective bidders for new contracts, herding groups of firms together to force mergers and forcing others out of business in the drive towards creating fewer larger suppliers.

  Controlling travel costs could be easily accomplished by setting a fixed fee for each police station under the current boundaries.

  Also, although the report has not considered this, an abolition of the restriction against clients paying privately towards travelling expenses and other disbursements might also be of assistance in some cases.

4.2

  This recommendation is the most insidious of the report.

  For more than 20 years the duty solicitor scheme has operated to provide high quality legal representation for persons under arrest and although the test now taken by accredited representatives is similar, they are not solicitors.

  This recommendation, coupled with the proposed police station fixed fee scheme and assignment of duty solicitor slots to firms would inevitably result in detainees being attended only by accredited representatives.

  The only way for firms to manage the losses they would sustain under the fixed fee scheme would be to send the most poorly paid representatives and that solicitors would withdraw either immediately or gradually from attending the police stations.

  The Government needs to look ahead and consider the electoral impact when miscarriages of justice are attributed to poorly paid and inexperienced representatives attend detainees where a solicitor with court experience might be needed.

  If the proposals are adopted the name of the scheme should be changed to "The Duty Representative" so that the public is not misled.

  The proposal to strip individual duty solicitors of their entitlement to be allocated duty solicitor slots is anti-competitive and unnecessarily undermines an important individual qualification and the individuals ability to compete in the work place.

  That proposal inexplicable unless it is intended to render the qualification of Duty Solicitor irrelevant and to restrict public access to representation by them.

  Duty solicitors are not the problem, they are the best qualified and most experienced professionals to deal with duty solicitor work, and the effective abolition of their rank would be the most retrograde step possible to imagine for the quality assurance standards that Lord Carter states he wishes to maintain.

4.5

  The CDS direct initiative is stated to aim at "restricting defendant eligibility" which must be a dangerous objective to set in itself.

  If detainees want to be represented by a solicitor, they should be entitled to choose one, not a representative, and the decision whether provide representation should equally be taken by a suitably qualified and experienced solicitor.

4.7

  My comments are at 16 above. Police are mis-using their bail back powers and a fixed fee scheme could work if they were required to charge or release at the end of the first or second period of detention, but that would have to be strict and would require an amendment to s 37 PACE 1984.

  Otherwise some payment for travelling and waiting must be maintained, or the scheme will collapse.

4.17

  Setting up a new specialist panel is anti-competitive, unnecessary, and will restrict client choice without saving any public funds.

  If there are contract managers assigned to keep costs down the only benefit of such a panel would be to the panel members themselves, and once formed, it is most unlikely that any other firms would be able to join.

  Like the best value tendered programme, it will lead to a small group of firms over which the LSC will have either too much control, giving rise to concerns over independence, or too little causing concern over cost.

4.18

  If best value tendering proceeds there will be no other firms available to compete for contracts after the "cull", resulting in an anti-competitive situation, the opposite of the reports stated intention, and concerns over independence and control over cost.

  What will the LSC do when it learns that all the small number of firms it has created through this process discover at the same time that they cannot operate at a profit?

  The small firms that this process will put out of business have been subsidising the Government for years by supplying these services at low profit margins and they will no longer be there to pick up the pieces when this initiative fails.

5.8

  No explanation whatever is provided in this recommendation as to what "support and assistance" will be offered and what Lord Carter means by "restructure".

  Surely it has not escaped Lord Carter's attention that firms are most unlikely to seek to merge their partnerships in order to pursue unprofitable work?

  How exactly is it envisaged that firms who do not wish to merge would form consortia?

  It appears that the proposed fund is being set up in order to enable the LSC to begin to address an issue that should have been run to ground and fully explained by this report.

PURPOSE OF THE REVIEW

25.

  "right for client to choose critical to commercial viability of suppliers" this is another example of a stated principle that is wholly contradicted by the substance of the recommendations, as if the sections were written by different people.

  The recommendations are all restrictive in effect, especially towards client choice.

Page 42.

  "Legal aid firms are amongst the most efficient of legal firms—particularly those that are crime only firms..."

  Once more, the way forward is not to cull 60% of these highly efficient firms.

  The recommendations, if implemented, will kill the goose that lays the golden egg.

  Leaving aside the Law Society's LEGG report that undermines the reliability of the figures used in Lord Carters report, the radical and destructive "market engineering" it proposes has never been tried before, and, as comments elsewhere in the report show, no-one can predict, (beyond the fear of destroying the supplier base), what the long term effects would be.

Page 48-49 paragraphs 165-173.

  The loss of costs due to ineffective hearings described in these sections is entirely beyond the control of defence representatives.

  I have never heard of an ineffective hearing caused by the defence losing its file, and defendants are bailed to return to court so their solicitors cannot be blamed if they disobey the court.

  Neither is lack of communication by the defence a cause of ineffective hearings.The prosecution is under a duty to make primary disclosure in the Magistrates' court and usually the defendant has made his defence clear in police interview.

  The defence is not obliged to serve a defence case statement in Magistrates' court cases and the distinction between "undermine the prosecution case" and "assist the defence" should not be an obstacle to the prosecution giving fair disclosure.

  It makes no sense, commercially or morally, to penalise the defence by withdrawing the travelling and waiting costs for delays that are not attributable to the defence.

Procurement Strategy to 2010 (page 52 et seq)

Paragraphs 5-10.

  Recite some of the risks associated with implementation of the recommendations, but no example of a comparably radical set of reforms being successfully implemented (or even attempted) has been given.

  Either insufficient weight has been applied to these risks or insufficient consideration to their avoidance.

  To intentionally and irrevocably decimate the supplier base whilst gambling that none of the identified risk will occur when the few privileged firms are left to provide the services is brinkmanship.

Paragraphs 11-13.

  Creation of a Public Defender service with large regional firms competing by price competitive tendering whilst allowing clients to choose an "alternative non-contracted qualified supplier by using a means tested legal aid voucher which they could top up".

  This option has the benefit of allowing the LSC to pursue its experimental controlled market, those large firms which believe they can make a profit in that way to compete for contracts, and at the same time preserve true freedom of choice of legal representative for clients.

  Most importantly, if the LSC's initiative fails (which I believe it ultimately must) there would still be a supplier base left to rebuild the system from.

  There are two caveats to this:

  Firstly, the term alternative non-contracted qualified suppliers must not be a euphemism for some regime of intrusive controlling or monitoring by the LSC, and allow firms to operate entirely independently; and

  Secondly the legal aid vouchers must not be for derisory amounts, or subject to controls or restrictions so that there would be no incentive for the alternative non-contracted qualified suppliers to act.

  In giving my qualified approval to option 4 I have noted that it is described as "substantial unmanaged change" but the difference between "best value tendering" and "price competitive tendering" is practically impossible to discern and of no consequence to the Governments objective.

  Furthermore, since no explanation has been given why option 4 would be more effective with even fewer firms operating than would be the case under the so called "market-based approach" I cannot see any inconsistency with allowing as many large firms to bid for the contracts as may wish to do so.

THE MARKET-BASED APPROACH

Paragraph 17.

  Lord Carter acknowledges that there already exists a long standing market economy in which suppliers compete to provide legal services, and even expresses a desire to harness this.

  If his Lordship would fully recognise the potential of small firms to safeguard the sector by providing a safety net should the new contracting regime fail most or his recommendations could be pursued.

  If Lord Carter would allow independent firms to act for clients who wish to be represented by them with vouchers, as proposed in option 4 most of the opposition to his proposals would fade away.

Paragraph 29.

  Lord Carter recognises that "best value tendering could produce a loss of suppliers such that demand for legal aid services cannot be met", I propose that option 4 could safeguard change as an alternative to risking all on an unknown business model. Incidentally, it would restore true competition and freedom of choice.

STEADY STATE MARKET FOR CRIMINAL DEFENCE SERVICES

Paragraph 46.

  The market for criminal defence services has been in turmoil since the introduction of legal aid franchising with firms seeking to comply with added bureaucratic requirements to compete with one another, and each time we passed a test a new one has been created. The next test will be peer review.

  There can be no business sector within the United Kingdom that would more earnestly welcome a "steady state market", however the wholesale destruction of so many of the firms that have supplied these services is the opposite of what is needed.

  The purpose of stripping duty solicitors of their personal entitlement to slots on the duty rotas is to encourage large firms to indulge in the proposed reforms but the steady state market can be achieved without resorting to such tactics.

  Simply by allowing clients to choose their own solicitor with legal aid vouchers under option 4 Lord Carter would be leaving the door open to new entrants to the market, (paragraph 53), whereas requiring high volume bids without that safety net would have exactly the same effect as the volume requirements of legal aid franchising—"advice deserts" five years later.

Paragraph 91.

  I note with interest in this context that paragraph 91 on page 63 of the report now recommends debt, housing and benefits should be repackaged together under the new name "social welfare service".

  Perhaps Lord Carter might also consider including consumer work within this category since most people suffering those problems also have issues concerned with consumer law.

  Consumer law is another area of work in which advice deserts were created by the volume requirements of franchising, and it will be interesting to observe how successful the Government is in attracting suppliers of those legal services now.

  I believe the volume requirements of the current proposals, in combination with some of the other proposals will lead ultimately to a shortage of supply in the criminal defence sector.

  I have not commented further on any of the succeeding paragraphs of the report because I have already done so earlier.

CONCLUSION

  I have worked full time performing legal aid work since 1978 and prior to the introduction of legal Aid franchising around 1995 the system was in the "steady state" that Lord Carter desires. Firms knew where they stood in relation to their clients, their competitors, and income streams.

  Since then there have been a bewildering series of changes culminating in the latest proposals that may be intended to remedy the problems created over the last 10 years or simply to force through the original "Block Contracting" initiative.

  In my opinion the initiative to create large firms to tender for large tranches of work will ultimately prove counter-productive, and that will certainly manifest itself within five years, if not by 2010.

  The key feature of all the failed initiatives since 1995 is that they have all been imposed without the agreement of the profession, and there has never been a stronger and more unified resistance within the profession than there is to Lord Carter's proposals in their current form.

  I believe there is merit in some of the proposals but only if the legal aid voucher system described as option 4 is adopted.

  Public demand for criminal defence services is set to increase and all the risks of restricting the contracts to large firms are identified (though not, in my opinion, taken seriously enough).

  If that system failed, and there are no small firms practising criminal law, the whole criminal justice system would collapse.

  Clients should be allowed true choice and solicitors firms which are regulated by the Law Society should be allowed again to service their clients needs.

  The over regulation of publicly funded legal services since 1995 has led to a massive increase in administrative costs of the LSC, alienation of solicitors, has achieved no saving to the public purse, and no increase in true quality of the service.

  The "market-based experiment", as I would call the best value tendering process, could be tried provided there is some contingency plan, and that could be achieved by restoring client choice through option 4 and legal aid vouchers.

October 2006





 
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