Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by Sansbury Campbell Solicitors (LAR 131)

SUMMARY

  We are fundamentally opposed to the proposals, both in principle and in practice. We believe the review has reached false conclusions based on flawed analysis. If implemented as envisaged, the "reforms" will drive down quality and ultimately destroy the supplier base.

1.  INTRODUCTION

  We are a crime only supplier operating in the South West of England. We believe we are the largest crime only supplier in that region. We have 10 solicitors (including one consultant and five partners), five accredited or probationary representatives, and four support staff, including a cashier. As such we have therefore developed the "pyramid" structure, which has hitherto been regarded as the best model of efficiency, profitability, and sustainability. Many of our fee earning staff are computer literate and we have invested heavily in appropriate IT, with the effect that we are able to keep overheads in terms of secretarial support to a minimum. All of our staff are housed in one office so there is no potential for additional costs which may sometimes result from multiple offices. We do not believe the practice can be organised or run in a manner which is substantially more efficient so far as overheads are concerned.

  3.  The work profile of the firm follows that of many established senior Criminal Defence firms. As well as dealing with relatively large volumes of standard Police Station, Magistrates Court and Crown Court matters, the firm's caseload is weighted in favour of more substantial matters, both of a fraud and non fraud nature. The firm has Specialist Fraud Panel membership and two of the partners are Fraud Panel Supervisors. In the last year we have conducted two VHCCs, but also, significantly as will be seen below, a number of serious and complex matters which fall just short of VHCC status but which would nevertheless under current payment rules attract enhancement and involve very substantial input of time by senior and experienced lawyers.

  4.  We make it clear from the outset that we do not believe it would be possible for this firm to continue in practice if the proposals contained in the review of Legal Aid Procurement ("Carter") are brought into force. We set out below our reasons for saying this. It will be apparent, however, that we feel that Carter completely misses the mark in attempting to address the issue of cost within the criminal justice system. It is necessary to analyse the assumptions behind Carter as well as to examine the practical effect of the proposals.

2.  CARTERTHE ASSUMPTIONS

A "market based approach to reform" is the best way forward

  In our view there are many reasons why it is inappropriate to impose a pure market economy upon suppliers, as Carter envisages eventually. We do not pretend to set out all of them, but the main areas of concern which occur to us are as follows:

    (a)  Police stations and Magistrates' Courts routinely close, reopen, or change location. The impact is felt not only on travelling time beyond our control, but also on waiting. If an office is sited close to a court or police station, the practitioner can return to the office if it looks as though there is a long wait ahead and do more productive work. That is not an option if the court or police station has been moved somewhere distant. Practitioners have no control or say over police station or court closures. The proposal in Carter to pay no travelling or waiting time in the police station or magistrates court is bizarre and mystifying in these circumstances. This is not a problem confined to rural areas. To take two examples (1) the increasing use by the police of video identification procedures (VIPER) has been apparent for some time, and has meant that a number of short additional visits to a VIPER Unit are often necessary (see below): however in Bristol the VIPER unit has been conveniently located up to now in a building adjacent to the Crown and Magistrates' Courts. We understand it is planned to move the unit, with no consultation, to a location on the fringes of the City Centre which will entail a lengthy journey. At a stroke the travelling time such a case will demand has dramatically increased.

    (2)  Trinity Road police station in Bristol is the largest custody unit in the area. It houses some 30 cells and has 2 full time custody officers. There was some limited, though insufficient, parking at the site which is approx 3 miles from central Bristol by car. That has now suddenly disappeared. We now have to find a place to park in a residential side street as close as possible to the station. Today, as these representations are prepared, it took 10 minutes to find a place which was sited some 10 minutes' walk away. At a stroke, therefore, our travelling time has been increased by 30 minutes for every case we deal with at that station—a very considerable number. It will be appreciated this is a meaningful addition to the expenses of the firm.

    There has, of course, been no consultation and we very much doubt there has been an "impact assessment" of this move. It simply illustrates the futility of pretending that our costs remain fixed and that one criminal justice agency will subsidise another. The simple truth is that we are not seen as a criminal justice agency by all the other members of the system: we are seen as the opposition, partly since government rhetoric demands this. In these circumstances, why should they take us into account?

    (b)  The Police and Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) adopt working practices and policies over which we have no control but which may have huge effects upon the way in which we have to do our job, and the common number of cases we have to deal with. Some offences may be deemed not worthy of prosecution, or budgetary constraints within the police may lead to a lack of arrests for a period; other offences may be deemed suitable for diversion. The use of fixed penalties is on the increase (see para 4.3 below). Two examples of working practices which affect solicitors are firstly the move to charging standards adopted by the CPS approximately a year ago; cases routinely in the police station now take a very considerable period of time and usually necessitate a bail back whilst a CPS lawyer decides: secondly, there have been dramatic changes in the way police officers conduct interviews—even routine interviews now can take a considerable time due to the policy of constant "summarising" and repetition which it appears police officers are trained to do as interview technique. There has been a concomitant cost to the public purse in the form of defence lawyers' time for which it appears the defence is now being punished. Other developments include the redesign of many custody units to prevent the defence having access to custody sergeants so that defence lawyers have to wait or queue to gain access rather than having informal contact as was formerly the case: the routine use of VIPER procedures and the number of attendances which are necessary for that, mean that travelling and waiting as well as attendance have all increased: in the magistrates court, it is noted that the CPS, far from being a responsive and well resourced public body, often appears chaotic in its administration and incapable of responding within time to even the most routine requests for decisions or information. The effect of all of these developments, intended or not, is to make the job of the defence lawyer more complex, difficult and time consuming.

    (c)  Since 1994, the rates of payment for Legal Aid lawyers have barely risen. Those of us who have been in practice since long before that could recognise that even before that time it was convincingly argued that legal aid rates failed to keep pace even with inflation, never mind rates being charged in other forms of legal work. We make no complaint that we are not able to charge hundreds of pounds an hour in the manner in of commercial city solicitors. However, this does mean that criminal defence lawyers are more "vocational" in terms of their outlook towards the job. Firms cannot compete with the salaries being offered in commercial firms. Both young solicitors in terms of their salaries, and partners in terms of their drawings, have adopted a view that the work is what they want to do. The point is that we can not compete with the open market. The rates we have been paid both now and historically have meant that has not been the case for many years.

    (d)  Legislative and procedural reform has proceeded apace, particularly in the last 10 years. Although it would be a familiar refrain, it is worth pointing out that arguments in relation to hearsay evidence, bad character, defence case statements and the like, which are all now a familiar part of the Magistrates and Crown Court landscape, were unheard of only 10 years ago. New offences have proliferated. The scope of confiscation and related proceedings in particular has increased dramatically in recent years. All of these changes have resulted in cases which require more time and input to defend: in many instances, the additional effort and time required is very significant indeed. Where is the recognition of this?

    (e)  The complex shifts in population which have occurred in the UK over the last 10 years or so have had a very large effect upon the legal aid budget. Interpreters' fees now consume a very significant chunk of money indeed. Scandalously, the cost of interpreters is charged to the budget against which we are measured. Anyone who practices in this field is aware that the cost of interpreters is enormous. Defence practitioners have no alternative but to instruct interpreters, often from a great distance, to ensure that their clients receive the service we have undertaken to provide them with and for which a peer reviewer would heavily criticise us if we did not. Although BME firms may be proportionately more affected, all firms are affected by this and of course, as the national expense is included in the national figure, all firms now bear the brunt of this expense.

    (f)  It is worth noting that the Legal Services Commission itself has imposed fluctuating requirements on firms to record their advice and other information on the file. Initially this was in the form of transaction criteria. Senior managers later informed practitioners that they did not need to pay heed to transaction criteria. It then became apparent, during the development of the peer review system, that the requirements to record advice, instructions and events went far beyond those originally envisaged in transaction criteria and amounted in themselves to a considerable investment in time in a busy police station and magistrates court practice. We see no guarantee that these requirements will not shift once more: one small example is the sudden requirement to obtain and provide information as to the ethnic origin, sex and disability status of all clients in all cases.

    (g)  Possibly the greatest single factor of importance in addressing this issue is to restate that we have a professional obligation not only to the courts but also, overarchingly, to our clients. We have to act in the clients' best interests. We have to follow the clients' instructions unless they put us in conflict with other professional duties. It goes without saying that the client will frequently ask the lawyer to adopt a course of action which is not the most cost effective. Indeed, it could be argued that the lawyer who argues and investigates each point fully on behalf of his client is displaying the highest degree of professionalism: he may also of course be incurring greater costs. It is accepted that in any publicly funded legal aid system there will be tensions between professional duties and what the State should properly pay for. However, the sort of standard and graduated fees which are envisaged, particularly in the police station and Crown Courts, offer perverse incentives in respect of the most difficult cases. Firms which have hitherto been seen as the most successful in terms of their work profile will become the least profitable as a result not only of the higher proportion of more serious cases (which will lose money) but also because of their more general commitment to quality work.

    We therefore believe that a market based approach pure and simple is wholly inappropriate and fundamentally flawed in approaching the issue. The so called "steady state" envisaged by 2009-10 is a complete misnomer, since such a state has never been achieved in the history of legal aid and criminal practice and if anything, the pace of change in terms of legislation and imposed working practices has increased in recent years and shows no sign of abating.

    It is wholly inappropriate to expect criminal defence practitioners to become prisoners of already inadequate and anachronistic payment structures, whilst all around them other agencies are taking steps which have the effect of driving up their costs without any consultation or control.

    Carter pays lip service to the notion that the costs drivers in the system are external to defence lawyers and therefore beyond their control. The report is peppered with woolly phrases and expressions of optimism that government departments will communicate with each other in order to identify the most efficient solution to the justice system as a whole. We would have to say that, based on experience, we feel there are no grounds for our optimism in this area. (see for example paras 5.160, 6.35).

    There is no free market in which firms can make sensible and informed decisions about their likely costs in the future. They simply do not know what their costs will be. Some may be tempted or persuaded to make a reckless gamble in order to try and stay in business: it should not be thought that the actions of those who succumb to such pressure, understandable though they may be, represent any more than a stab in the dark. Carter indicates that the LSC should develop policies to avoid this happening, but we have no confidence that this is achievable.

  Carter 3.24

  It is asserted that the market structure would avoid constant renegotiation. We do not accept that this would be the case. As indicated above, there is constant change in the system, external to solicitors' firms but crucial to the costs of those firms. This is acknowledged in para 3.25 but the inherent logical flaw in the argument identified in 3.24 is not developed. The effect of the proposal is to ask us to gamble with a substantial amount of money while a stable market comes up with a small return, when all past evidence suggests no other player in the system has the slightest regard for our needs (and therefore our costs) and outgoings can change dramatically in a very short space of time. How can the costs of the Justice system's inefficiencies be "transferred to the government"? (3.26) It is simply a nonsense. The market prices are not sufficiently flexible.

  It is worth pointing out that in past years the costs of inefficiency have been borne by the government through increased waiting, travelling and preparation time etc. That has proved to be no incentive to the government to improve the system's efficiency elsewhere.Of course, any notion that the government will take any responsibility whatsoever for costs in the system elsewhere is abandoned by the notion of price competitive tendering (PCT). In this system, practitioners are simply abandoned to their fate whilst price, and therefore quality, are driven down to the lowest common denominator. The system of PCT gives the government no reason or incentive to sort out inefficiencies in the system elsewhere.

  It is thus submitted that an open market model is simply inappropriate.

3.  POLICE STATION WORK

  3.1  Carter envisages a move to fixed pricing for each police station case. For our region, the payment will be approximately £190 plus VAT. The price will stay the same, no matter whether the work is done by a solicitor, an accredited representative or a probationary representative, or no matter whether the work is duty solicitor work or own client work. We note in passing that it was only some two years ago that the government increased the rates for serious offences conducted by duty solicitors personally in the police station. That had appeared to be an acknowledgement that some work was of particular difficulty and warranted additional expertise which should be properly remunerated. In our view, this was in line with the thinking that duty solicitor work is in itself more demanding given that often clients will have never been in a police station setting before, and not be conversant with it or sophisticated in the manner of their responses. They may require significantly more input from the solicitor and more sensitive and careful treatment. Extra experience is needed.

  3.2  Our analysis of the proposed police station rate is that this firm would lose approximately £40 per case it currently conducts at the police station. Taken over the year as a whole (assuming a rate of 3 new police station cases per day or 1000 per annum—in fact an underestimate), the loss would amount to a figure of at least £40,000. In a point which will be echoed below, when a loss of this nature is taken, it comes directly out of profit. The loss is not reduced proportionately by savings elsewhere in the system. The effect is therefore hugely disproportionate on the profits of the equity partners.

  3.3  Fixed pricing of this nature introduces a number of perverse incentives. So far as the police are concerned, there will be an incentive upon them to make the solicitors or representatives' life as awkward as possible to extend time in the custody unit, in the knowledge that some representatives or solicitors may be tempted to cut short their visit to the police station and the assistance which they are giving to the client. Whilst this may be a response which only a very few adopt, it may not stop the police trying to do it in a large number of cases, with the obvious effects on profitability for the many, in that police station cases would become even less profitable. Noone wants to spend time in the police station at £26 per hour—but it is at least some compensation for time wasted by others. For the solicitor's firm, there are enormous difficulties in rewarding staff who have been prepared to attend the police station at possibly unsocial hours of the day and night, travelling from their home addresses which may be some distance from the police station, when there is no provision for payment of travelling time, and when the payment of overtime at an hourly rate may either result in the hourly rate having to be reduced, or the entire standard fee being swallowed up by overtime payment ( which, given the rates involved, is by far the most likely). By the way, the current system is accepted by all as providing a means for solicitors' firms fairly to reward their representatives and staff when they attend out of hours police stations, whilst the new system requires one or other party to assume an unacceptable degree of risk.

  3.4  A further perverse incentive is that it is the relatively easy low level cases which will attract the profit in this system. The difficult cases, the ones which require considerable time, effort and expertise to be put into them, will be those that are least profitable and where the levels of remuneration may be accurately described as pathetic. It would lead to the situation where a firm is paid the same amount for a shoplifting case which took 90 minutes to conclude (plus travel) as it would for a murder which took 15 hours (plus travel). The "swings and roundabouts" argument is a wholly inadequate response to such disparity, given the level at which the standard fee and the "escape" provision are proposed to be set. The scope for large "losses" is potentially great, but we cannot envisage the currently proposed figures producing commensurate "profits" in other cases. With regard to the so called "escape" provision, this is set at a figure so high that it is hard to imagine it will be invoked on more than one or two occasions per annum. It is, moreover, not an adequate mechanism, as it still retains the original standard fee for the first 16 hours of attendance, thus rendering those hours hugely unprofitable. The rate thereafter does no more than restore the status quo, it does not in any way seek to compensate for the loss earlier in the case. It is not as if, under the new proposals (see below) firms will be able to regard time spent at the police station on major cases as loss leaders as the cases will generate significant fees in court. For reasons set out below, the bigger the case, the greater the likely loss.

  3.5  As we indicate above, one of the most mystifying aspects is the proposal that travel should not be paid, when it is common ground the police station custody units routinely close and change location, often to far distant areas. We make the point above that this is not a problem which is confined to rural areas.

  3.6  In short, therefore, we are not opposed to standard fees in principle, however:

    (a)  the standard fee proposed is set at too low a level.

    (b)  the "escape" provision is set far too high.

    (c)  the failure to pay travel and waiting leaves us exposed to a significant cost beyond our control, which will give perverse incentives to others to drive up our costs.

4.  MAGISTRATES COURTS

  4.1  The proposed regime for Magistrates' Courts envisages a system of standard fees which is not dissimilar to that currently operated. However there appears to be no provision or escape clause for those cases in the Magistrates Court which take an excessive amount of time due to their complexity and difficulty. For example, this firm defends several cases a year of people prosecuted by the Department of Trade and Industry and other regulatory bodies on serious offices under the Companies Acts and Insolvency Acts. Those are offences which are highly technical in nature, but which nevertheless are routinely dealt with in the Magistrates Court system. In submitting our account at the conclusion of those cases (they are never standard fee matters), we would routinely apply not only for a non standard fee but also we would claim that enhancement ought to be paid. The abolition of enhancement on the legal aid rate is a feature of these proposals generally. This does not adequately reflect the range of matters coming before the magistrates court and the sort of work profile which some firms (including our own) may have which are more highly geared towards more difficult matters requiring additional expert assistance. The possibility of enhanced payment must remain for those cases requiring the expert input of experienced practitioners.

  4.2  The situation which arises for the defendant arrested "out of area" merits some exploration. These defendants will often have long standing links to firms some way from the area in which they are arrested. There may be efficiencies in allowing the "home" firm to act as they will know more about the defendant's background, personality and circumstances and will almost certainly be on hand to deal with witnesses, whether as to bail or the substantive charge. A firm from a different area will have to spend time gaining the defendant's trust as well as ascertaining basic information about him as above. Yet no allowance for travel, even at the current very modest rates (which no-one could say amount to an incentive) is made to allow the "home" firm to deal.

  4.3  Additionally, we feel some comment is necessary regarding the proposed functioning of the system. Carter envisages firms will be able to be profitable through increased volume (bigger firms, etc) and explicitly states that the overall number of defence lawyers should not diminish. As these representations are being written, the Government is on the verge of introducing means testing for legal aid, coupled with a wholesale revision of the merits test. It is anticipated by the Government that these changes will save approximately £30 million per annum. Also, in the "Times" for Friday 29 September 2006, the Home Office is reported to be proposing a huge extension of cautioning and the fixed penalty scheme to "remove 250,000 cases a year from the Magistrates Courts". In the light of these developments, particularly the first which is much more imminent, how can volume be guaranteed? This assumption underpins the whole of Carter. It is fatally flawed. The Government clearly has signalled its intention to move in the opposite direction.

5.  CROWN COURT

  We regard the proposed changes to the Crown Court Payment Scheme, particularly the move from taxation to one of graduated fees for case preparation, to be an extremely damaging feature of Carter for firms. There is a vast range of cases in the Crown Court. At the lower end, most are adequately dealt with under the current standard fee system. At the very top end, there are very high cost cases which are dealt with under their own separate case contracts. In the middle, however, there is a large number of cases of increasing complexity, comprising allegations of murder, drugs conspiracies, frauds etc., all of which may just fall short of VHCC status but nevertheless be extremely complex and require very considerable input by experienced and expert practitioners. Not only do the proposals at a stroke cut away the enhancement which has hitherto been allowed for such cases to reflect the degree of expertise and seniority these cases required, but the fees which are proposed, based as they are, at least in part, upon the number of pages of prosecution evidence, do not in any way adequately reflect the sort of work which a competent and diligent firm will carry out on behalf of its client.

  5.2  The cases described above are often billed and paid in the region of £40,000 to £50,000.  Taxation is a rigorous process of scrutiny in which the work which the solicitor has done is analysed to see whether it is fair and reasonable. It works. Taxation Officers often allow work at a reduced grade or reduce the amount of time allowed, yet they are approachable and apply discretion in the right case. According to our calculations based on a sample of such cases, it is anticipated that the graduated fee we would receive for similar cases in the future would be in the region of £8,000 to £10,000.  If we carry out, say, two such cases per annum—and that would be a very conservative estimate—then the loss to the practice in terms of profit for those two cases alone would be in the region of £70,000 per annum. Taken together with the losses identified from police station and magistrates courts above, this can be seen as being very dramatic indeed. We do not believe that losses can be confined to these cases, or to those figures. In total, we would estimate that in the Crown Court we are likely to lose up to £100,000 per annum as a result of these proposals. Such a loss simply puts us beyond the margins of our sustainability.

  5.3  A simple example will suffice to illustrate why the proposed model is simply inadequate. Representing a father and son charged with conspiracy to defraud and perjury, the chief Prosecution witness is a partner in a senior London firm of solicitors acting for a public body. Our clients allege bad faith on the part of the solicitors/public body in a case which is directly linked to civil litigation spanning some 12 years. The Crown resists any applications for disclosure but, doggedly pursued by ourselves, eventually orders are obtained. The disclosure runs to many thousands of pages. This is not included in the prosecution page count. We are also able to inspect the files of our client's own solicitors. By doing this we can build up a picture to lead to a successful argument for abuse of process, based upon the grounds that the defendants cannot have a fair trial as documents are withheld. On one view, we are adopting the correct approach by seeking early resolution in attempting to deal with the matter prior to trial. However, the many hundreds of hours of work which has been required, wading through and summarising this material and putting it into a format acceptable to the court, is done without any reference to prosecution page count which on the face of it is relatively low. This is precisely the sort of case where the incentives to be creative and dogged in pursuing the prosecution for disclosure and in analysing that disclosure in a careful, measured and diligent way will be reversed. We anticipate our fee in this case, without the matter going to trial, to be approximately £60,000.  Under graduated fees it would be less than £10,000.

  5.4  Carter makes the point that early preparation and resolution is to be rewarded. This is clearly laudable. However, it depends upon two things: firstly, the Crown Prosecution Service has to be prepared to engage effectively with the Defence at an early stage to have realistic discussions about the basis of the plea and what pleas may be acceptable. It is our experience that in early weeks of a case the Crown Prosecution Service is simply unable to engage with the Defence in this way, particularly in serious cases. Secondly, our clients, to whom after all we have a professional duty, often find it difficult to confront their responsibilities at an early stage. That does not mean to say that solicitors will not seek early resolution. We are aware that the incentives are there for us to do so, as are the incentives for the client in the form of discount for early guilty pleas. We do not know of any solicitors who would deliberately elongate a case or fight a case to trial where the client had not been advised of the credit for an early guilty plea.

  5.5  "The amount of relevant unused evidence introduced at trial" (para 4.59) is stated as being in some way reflected in the Graduated Fee. We do not see how this can be the case. The solicitor cannot know what material is relevant and should be introduced at trial until it has all been looked at. A huge amount of unused material may be looked at which is never introduced at trial but which may nevertheless be important. This is not reflected anywhere in the fee structure.

  5.6  Therefore, whilst Graduated fees proposed will make little difference in respect of the less serious offences, there will be a huge effect in relation to more serious offences falling short of VHCC cases. It is noted that the definition of VHCC cases is to be drawn more widely, but a definition which makes assumed trial length a necessary element would not be a sufficiently flexible one.

6.  FILE REVIEWS

  When the system of contracting was introduced, solicitors were paid to conduct the necessary supervisory file reviews that had to be carried out on every fee earner. This is an onerous task involving many hours work every month by a supervisor. The fact that it is remunerated currently by the Legal Services Commission is a helpful means of ensuring that the task of supervision is given the status which it deserves, as well as compensating the senior fee earners inevitable loss of fee earning time. In our firm, the claim for file review time is approximately £10,000 per annum. We regard it as an important quality control on all levels of fee earning and have a monthly report prepared by our file reviewer so that we can identify any issues which may arise. We have seen nowhere in Carter a proposal that payment for file review should continue and clarification is urgently requested.

6.  OUR CONCERNS

  6.1  There is a huge concern that the effect of the proposals of Carter will be to drive down quality in criminal defence services. The imposition of a "one size fits all" price structure for all defence work, to be followed by price competitive tendering, will inevitably lead to a diminution in standards as firms seek to retain some margin of profit from ever dwindling income. Carter's answer is that peer review will ensure that quality standards are met. We have serious doubts about peer review. It is proposed that only firms with a rating of 1 or 2 will in the future be allowed preferred supplier status. Currently, only 35% of firms meet that standard. At a recent presentation by two peer reviewers, designed to reassure the profession that level 2 was realistically obtainable, no objective information was available from the peer reviewers as to how this might be achieved and practitioners were left with the distinct impression that the peer reviewers' subjective view of the firm and it's files were based upon "feel" rather than on strictly measurable and therefore achievable criteria. The fact remains that the peer review system is not transparent enough to allow for the certainty which the profession will need. Although undoubtedly the vast majority of peer reviewers are practitioners of considerable experience, many of them do not practice regularly or full time and are felt to be out of touch by frontline criminal defence practitioners. As such, it is felt that they impose unrealistically high standards in terms of recording and reporting. The bottom line is that Carter effectively proposes that a criminal defence lawyer should receive considerably less money for doing the same work yet do it to a higher procedural standard. Set against the backdrop of all the other difficulties faced by criminal defence lawyers, this would be risible were the consequences not so serious for individual firms, partners and their staff.

  6.2  The benefits to the system, outlined in para 5.152, we believe are illusory. There already is a system of quality control (in the form of peer review), and there are incentives for early resolution where appropriate through standard fees. It should not be forgotten our duty is essentially to advise clients of the benefits to them of early resolution by guilty plea where appropriate. The new system envisaged by Carter not only encourages early resolution in all cases, it punishes the defence for cases which take time even where there is a good reason for this, and even if it may be as a result of the client's instructions contrary to the advice of the solicitor. There is no confidence that the rates proposed mean that sufficient remuneration is provided for cases which are more complex and need additional work.

7.  SUSTAINABILITY

  7.1  It is not believed that the proposals in Carter amount to any sort of sustainable future for criminal legal aid firms. We identify the following problem areas

    —  Firms' structures proposed are very high ratios of equity partners to fee earners. This has considerable implications, not only for those who are or aspire to be equity partners but also for solicitors. The static nature of salary scales envisaged is a major factor. The prospect of advancement to equity partner will be considerably reduced. In a world where law students leave college often saddled with £20,000 plus worth of debt, a career in criminal defence work will become even less attractive, the more remote the prospect of earning a higher income as a partner. Recruitment is already extremely difficult. This will make it much worse. Who will want to embark upon a career in criminal defence work when the potential returns are so small and remote?

    —  It goes without saying that the implication of the report is that there will need to be much painful restructuring ("departnering" of several who are already partners). This ignores the fact that many criminal defence practitioners are senior in years. Quite how firms are to achieve the restructuring envisaged, given the capital account balances which many will hold in their practices having accumulated over the years, and the overdraft indebtedness which will exist, is impossible to foresee.

    —  The sort of ratios envisaged by Carter of the equity partners to fee earners assumes that the equity partners will be prepared to take on a massive level of financial risk. To take one example of the firm of 27 fee earners with only two equity partners, the salary bill of that firm, according to Carter's own figures will be £815,000 per annum, presumably plus employers National Insurance contributions. It is highly likely the firm will carry an overdraft, be committed to a lease which may stretch forward for several years, and may have other expensive lease payments to make on IT equipment and software, and other items of office equipment. It takes only a small number of fee earners either to leave suddenly, to go on long term sick leave, or fail to perform for whatever reason, or for one of the equity partners to become ill, for the entire financial structure of what would be a large practice to come under immediate threat. The potential losses are enormous. The risks are huge. The proposed profits wholly inadequate to cover the level of investment proposed. The fact that the report talks in detail about the willingness of lending institutions to support solicitors firms means that it is envisaged firms will need financial support to survive. This is, frankly, insulting and is a very clear illustration of the lack of sustainability inherent in these proposals. If further financial support is needed from banks in the short term, then that support will need to be extended year on year. That is not a sustainable situation. Of course such a situation would impose further pressures on firms to retain or win contracts (see 5.113)—a further factor which is likely to distort the pricing of the market. Essentially the government, by starving firms of funds, and forcing them into debt to survive, will be making them so desperate they will accept below-market rates in order to maintain any semblance of income.

  7.3  There is considerable doubt as to the reliability of the statistical case put forward. Dealing with the illustrated firms at Annex 5.1, and using the 27 fee earner firm as an example, we have focused upon the work which is said would be carried out at the Magistrates' Court. Using the figures in table 5.1.4 for the proportion of hours spent in the Magistrates' Court, and the chargeable hours figures from 5.1.3, it is apparent that Carter envisages a firm of this size would spend 6,200 hours per annum on their magistrates court cases.

  Combining the percentages contained in table 5.1.7 and average case lengths from table 5.1.5, it can be seen that a total of 928 cases would be commenced each year by that firm.

  This amounts to an average of only 3.5 cases per day approximately and, more importantly, generates an income (based on the proposed standard fees) of only £341,316. The total turnover of the firm (table 5.8) is £1,637,489. Therefore, Carter envisages magistrates court turnover as being only approximately 20% of the total turnover of the firm. Perhaps even more surprisingly, a firm which has 27 fee earners which is only commencing approximately 3.5 cases each day in the magistrates court clearly has insufficient work to survive. Based on our own and anecdotal experience of other firms' caseloads, we do think this can possibly represent a realistic model of a firm of this size and we therefore call into question the authenticity and reliability of the analysis in terms of the impact on so called model firms. If the illustrations are unreliable, as we believe them to be, our fears and concerns that Carter has "got it wrong" are given flesh.

8.  CONCLUSION

  Carter is about the way in which solicitors' firms are remunerated. Inevitably, we have had to focus on the detail of that to address what we believe are the flawed assumptions, leading to conclusions which would be disastrous for the criminal defence legal services market. Whilst this response has dealt with some of the minutiae of the practical consequences, we believe it should be borne in mind at all times that enormously serious issues of principle are at stake. It should not be forgotten that at the heart of this lies the criminal justice system and the representation of often vulnerable defendants when facing the full power of the State. A sustainable criminal defence service is essential as a bulwark against the excessive use of power by the state and the erosion of individuals' liberty. We believe that the legal aid system can be seen as part of the Welfare State, built up to protect those who have difficulty in assisting themselves in dealing with difficulties in their lives. We do not believe that the model put forward by Carter represents anything approaching a sustainable future. We believe that the rights of the individual as a result are seriously under threat and that the phrase "criminal justice" is in danger of becoming an oxymoron in this context. As such, these proposals can be seen (intended or not) as an undermining of the Welfare State and an attack on an independent legal profession. This is not about lawyers' pay: it is about the continued viability and sustainability of an essential public service. We strongly urge the Government to think again.

October 2006





 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2007
Prepared 1 May 2007