Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by the Corner House

  1.  The Corner House is a non-governmental organization that focuses on environment, development and human rights. It has a track record on policy research and analysis on overseas corruption.

  2.  The purpose of this submission is to provide background information on the international commitments of the United Kingdom (UK) on overseas corruption as they relate to the Committee's Inquiry into the constitutional position of the Attorney General. In particular, the submission is concerned with paragraph 3 of the Committee's inquiry, on whether the Attorney General's role as superintending Minister for legal services provided in Government conflicts with his duties as a member of the Government.

  3.  The Attorney General in his role as superintending Minister for legal services is responsible for the work of the Serious Fraud Office, which is currently the body with primary responsibility for investigating and prosecuting overseas corruption. Under current corruption legislation, the Attorney General is also responsible for providing consent for corruption prosecutions to proceed.

  4.  Repeated international assessments of the UK's ability to fight corruption and of its implementation of international anti-corruption conventions have questioned the appropriateness of the Attorney General's role in providing consent for corruption prosecutions given the risk of political influence arising from his position as a member of the Government.

  5.  At national level a Parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of the UK's Draft Corruption Bill similarly identified a conflict of interest in the requirement for the Attorney General's consent for corruption offences, recommending that it should be replaced by the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) or a nominated deputy. This recommendation has been accepted by the Government.

THE UNITED KINGDOM'S INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS

  6.  The United Kingdom is signatory to three major international anti-corruption conventions:

    —    OECD Convention on Combating Corruption of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (OECD Anti-bribery Convention) and its Revised Recommendation of the Council on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions (1997 Revised Recommendation) (1997); [2]

    —    Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (1999);

    —    United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) (2003).

  7.  The Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption and UNCAC both require parties to provide full independence of specialized authorities investigating and prosecuting corruption in order to ensure that no undue pressure or influence can be brought to bear on those authorities:

    —    Article 20 of the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption provides that each party shall ensure there are specialised authorities to fight corruption and that these:

    "shall have the necessary independence in accordance with the fundamental principles of the legal system of the Party, in order for them to be able to carry out their functions effectively and free from any undue pressure";

    —    Article 36 of UNCAC similarly requires that specialized authorities:

    "shall be granted the necessary independence, in accordance with the fundamental principles of the legal system of the State Party, to be able to carry out their functions effectively and without undue influence".

  8.  Article 5 of the OECD Anti-bribery Convention requires that investigation and prosecution of overseas corruption offences:

    "shall not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, the potential effect upon relations with another State or the identity of the natural or legal persons involved".

  9.  Paragraph 6 of the Annex to the 1997 Revised Recommendation identifies the importance of prosecutorial independence and the need for decisions to be made on the basis of "professional motives":

    "In view of the seriousness of the offence of bribery of foreign public officials, public prosecutors should exercise their discretion independently, based on professional motives. They should not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, fostering good political relations or the identity of the victim." [3]

  Paragraph 6 also states that the:

    "Complaints of victims should be seriously investigated by the competent authorities".

  10.  The commentaries to the OECD Anti-bribery Convention[4] further explain that Article 5 is primarily concerned with securing prosecutorial independence:

    "in order to protect the independence of prosecution, such discretion is to be exercised on the basis of professional motives and is not to be subject to improper influence by concerns of a political nature."

  The commentaries also indicate that the Annex to the 1997 Revised Recommendation serves to strengthen Article 5 by providing that:

    "...complaints of bribery of foreign bribery officials should be seriously investigated."

INTERNATIONAL ASSESSMENTS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM'S COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL TREATIES5[5]

  11.  The OECD Working Group on Bribery, the body responsible for monitoring the implementation of the Convention, has made three evaluations of the UK's compliance with the OECD Convention. Each of these evaluations has expressed concern over whether the UK is fully compliant with Article 5 of the OECD Convention, given the potential conflicts of the Attorney General's dual role.

  12.  The review team of the Council of Europe's Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) similarly questioned the appropriateness of the requirement for the Attorney General's consent in its first evaluation of the UKs implementation of the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption.

  13.  In December 1999, the Working Group on Bribery, in evaluating whether UK law was compliant with the OECD Convention, stated that it

    "expects that within the exercise of prosecutorial discretion, the UK fully respect Article 5 of the Convention. In addition, the Working Group recommends that the UK reconsider the requirement that the prosecution of the bribery of foreign public officials not be instituted without the permission of the Attorney General or Solicitor General."

  14.  In March 2003, in a second evaluation of whether UK law was compliant with the Convention, the Working Group noted that the UK had retained the requirement for a Law Officer's consent in the new 2001 Act on the basis that:

    "the Law Officers do not exercise their prosecution functions as members of the Government but act as impartial guardians of the public interest. When exercising their law enforcement functions the Law Officers act wholly independently of the executive and in a quasi-judicial manner."

  However the Working Group again stated that it:

    "encourages the UK to ensure that Article 5 is fully respected, both in the exercise by prosecutors of discretion based on public interest, and in the exercise by a Law Officer of the right to grant or withhold consent to prosecute."

  The Working Group went on to say that in further evaluation of the UK, it would examine:

    "whether the Law Officer's consent requirement may be an obstacle to effective implementation of the Convention and whether the UK is in a position, within the exercise of prosecutorial discretion, to fully respect Article 5 of the Convention."

  15.  In March 2005, in its report of the evaluation of the adequacy of the UKs implementation of the OECD Convention, the Working Group on Bribery paid considerable attention to whether the UK was able to be compliant with Article 5 of the Convention given the Attorney General's role. The Report notes the Attorney General's confirmation that:

    "none of the considerations prohibited by Article 5 would be taken into account as public interest factors not to prosecute... that public interest factors in favour of prosecution of foreign bribery would include its nature as a serious offence and as an offence involving a breach of the public trust."

  However the OECD Working Group nonetheless once again recommends that the UK:

    "...consider the appropriateness of Law Officers consent for cases of foreign bribery..."

  16.  In its July 2001 report of UK implementation of the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption, GRECO noted that the UK intended to retain the requirement for the Attorney General's consent in its new legislation:

    "...as a protection against frivolous or malicious prosecutions".

  However it went on to state that:

    "...there does not seem to be any evident justification why decisions to prosecute made by professionals pursuant to established standards should be reviewed by the Law Officers (which might be interpreted as a form of political control) in corruption cases. On the contrary, the existing arrangement carries the risk of undermining public confidence in the functioning of the system."

  GRECO recommended that the UK authorities:

    "...ensure that there are safeguards to prevent any undue exercise of the Attorney General's power to refuse consent to prosecutions under the Prevention of Corruption Acts."

NATIONAL ASSESSMENTS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM'S COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL TREATIES

  17.  On the 24 March 2003 the Joint Committee on the Draft Corruption Bill was appointed by the House of Commons and House of Lords to examine the Draft Corruption Bill, which had been published for pre-legislative scrutiny.

  18.  The Joint Committee identified the Attorney General's consent to prosecution at the outset as one of the issues to be addressed in its Inquiry.

  19.  In relation to questions regarding the role of the Attorney General and compliance with the OECD Anti-bribery Convention, Professor Mark Pieth, the Chair of the OECD Working Group on Bribery, in his oral evidence stated that:

    "The Crown Prosecution Service knows why they go ahead and they have their rules. Why would they need an additional political officer to tell them when to stop a case? What creeps into the discourse is a very uneasy feeling that there is a possibility which is dangerous and we would have difficulties saying, `This meets the requirements of Article 5 of the Convention.' We would suggest trying hard to abolish the consent." [6]

  Professor Pieth further questioned the need for consent:

    "Why can the prosecutors in the CPS not take the decision? Why do you need somebody centralised far away from the actual case?" [7]

  Professor Pieth further explained the purpose of the Article 5 of the Convention:

    "What we are trying to rule out is that somebody says, `This is a good friend of ours, Mr Suharto you cannot do that to us', that will expose him, or the other situation where they say, `We are gaining a lot of jobs out of this contract, we cannot expose this contract, so we will stay the investigation.' ...  I believe if the CPS took the decision it would be perfectly in line with the Convention." [8]

  20.  In its Report, published on the 31 July 2003, the Joint Committee on the Draft Corruption Bill stated that:

    "We have been told that MPs and peers, among other public figures, are vulnerable to frivolous or vexatious private prosecutions for corruption... We therefore accept the need for some filter before prosecutions are launched."

  The Report continues:

    "...involving a member of the Government in the decision to prosecute may be counter to our international obligations. Without doubting the independence of the Attorney General and his predecessors, we accept that the appearance of ministerial involvement in the prosecution decision would best be avoided."

  The Report recommended that the requirement for the consent by the Attorney General be removed and that:

    "...Clause 17 be replaced by a requirement for the consent to be given by Director of Public Prosecutions or one nominated deputy."

  21.  In its reply to the Report of the Joint Committee on the Draft Corruption Bill of December 2003, the Government indicated that it would replace the existing statutory requirement for the Attorney General's consent with a requirement for the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) or a nominated deputy:

    "We are pleased to concur with the Joint Committee and are exploring the options as to how to make necessary provision in the Bill." [9]

  22.  In its Consultation Paper on the Reform of the Prevention of Corruption Acts and SFO Powers in Cases of Bribery of Foreign Officials of 8th December 2005, the UK Government states its intention that the Director of the SFO should also be empowered to give consents:

    "The Government has agreed some modifications to the published draft Bill, which flow from the recommendations of the Joint Committee which gave the Bill its pre-legislative scrutiny:... Replacing the requirement for the Attorney General's consent (in clause 17) with a requirement for consent to be given by the DPP or a nominated deputy. We have since decided to add to that a power for consent to be given by the Director of the SFO, in view of the SFO's lead role in foreign bribery cases." [10]

  23.  An alternative Corruption Bill, introduced in May 2006, sponsored by a cross-party group of MPs and prepared by Transparency International-UK (TI-UK) goes further and removes the requirement for consent altogether.

  24.  The Corner House considers that these domestic and international examinations of the foreign bribery offence reveal a strong consensus that the requirement for the Attorney General's consent for corruption prosecutions opens the door for accusations of political interference and fuels public mistrust.

  25.  The Corner House also strongly believes that recent events surrounding the termination of the SFO's investigation into BAE Systems Plc and the Al Yamamah military contract with the Government of Saudi Arabia, provide further evidence of the conflict of interest that exists between the Attorney General's political and "quasi-judicial"[11] roles, underlining the need for urgent reform.

February 2007















2   1997 Revised Recommendation of the Council on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions, available at http://www.oecd.org/document/32/0,2340,en_2649_34855_2048160_1_1_1_1,00.html Back

3   "Revised Recommendation of the Council on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions ANNEX, Agreed Common Elements of Criminal Legislation and Related Action", 23 May 1997-C(97)123/FINAL available at, http://webdomino1.oecd.org/horizontal/oecdacts.nsf/Display/260A29878153E4CFC125708800580BEA?OpenDocument Back

4   "Commentaries on the OECD Convention", http://www.oecd.org/document/1/0,2340,en_2649_34859_2048129 _1_1_1_1,00.html Back

5   To date no country has been monitored against its implementation of UNCAC. Back

6   http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/jt200203/jtcorr/157/3060203.htm Back

7   http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/jt200203/jtcorr/157/3060207.htm Back

8   http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/jt200203/jtcorr/157/3060206.htm Back

9   http://www.archive2.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm60/6086/6086.pdf Back

10   http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/documents/2005-cons-bribery?view=Binary Back

11   http://www.lawcom.gov.uk/docs/lc255(1).pdf Back


 
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