Select Committee on Culture, Media and Sport Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20 - 26)

TUESDAY 6 MARCH 2007

MEDIAWISE TRUST AND NATIONAL UNION OF JOURNALISTS

  Q20  Helen Southworth: With reference to webcasts and television, what is the impact of the globalisation of the information trade on self-regulation, if you have journalists coming from all over who are working for people all over or freelancing?

  Professor Frost: It is clearly going to make it much more difficult. As more and more newspapers expand and as media converge it becomes much more difficult to tell which is doing which. But I still think we are talking about 10 or 15 years as a minimum, before that becomes a serious problem for us, to reconsider how regulation operates in this country.

  Professor Jempson: I do not agree. It is quite clear already that a story that gets published, say, in a British newspaper and is then put out on the Internet, takes off in all sorts of bizarre ways. In a case we dealt with where The Sunday Mirror had accused a Christian worker in Montenegro of being a child trafficker, that story appeared on to the Internet, was picked up as gospel and then reappeared in all sorts of new forms: on websites attacking the UN; on right-wing organisations in America which were trying to make a point about Roma selling their children. Stories which are thought to be valid because they have been published in a British newspaper then get picked up and used as evidence. We found in one case that a story about gun-running ended up as evidence in an intelligence report which was also available on the Internet. I think there are lots of complicated problems about how you use the law to correct things which have begun as a simple story, have been put on to the online version and then picked up and turned around by other organisations all around the world. I think there are some really complicated legal issues there.

  Q21  Helen Southworth: If something has gone into the public arena on the Internet, what impact would that have on print journalism, for example? Does it have one?

  Professor Jempson: Of course. We have had lots of examples where there is an injunction preventing something being published but then it appears—in whatever form it is out there -on the Internet and, once it is there, everybody can see it, so what is the point of stopping it being published here? The whole opening up of the Internet changes the nature of regulation completely and nobody has really thought it through yet.

  Q22  Alan Keen: You mentioned that journalists are pressurised, that they need to make money for their paper. First of all, we think of the editors and journalists who get well paid and get bonuses, but what about the people who make their money through their shareholdings. Rupert Murdoch identifies himself very clearly with his newspapers: the public understand he is The Sun and The Times. With some of the other newspapers, we do not really know who is making the money from the shareholdings. Do you think it would help if they were identified more closely with newspapers, if in fact they had to appear in them or on them as identified people who presumably would have some moral code for what their newspapers produce?

  Professor Jempson: Some of them might think their privacy was being invaded if you told people that they had shares in a particular newspaper, for instance—which would be ironic. I think it would be quite a good idea if the public knew more about the ownership pattern, especially since, increasingly, people are not aware, for instance, at a local level that the same people may be pumping out the news on radio, on television, in their local newspapers, as well as in the national newspapers. People really do not know the sources of news. I do not think most people are that interested in the minutiae but I think the information needs to be there and then we can begin to ask questions about the implications of some of these cross-ownership schemes. What difference does it make if the control of your local newspaper, your local radio station, your local TV station and commercial TV stations are all in the same hands? What does it tell us about the limits of the amount of news we get and what things are not being told to us?

  Q23  Alan Keen: You have mentioned a number of points this morning on the PCC. Could you summarise what changes you would like to see.

  Professor Frost: We would want the conscience clause for journalists. That would, as I say, move the debate on and give them a chance to feel slightly more secure. We accept that would not change absolutely everything but it would change the picture a bit. We would like to see self-regulation continue with the PCC but for the PCC to take complaints from third parties and, more importantly to have penalties. So: to adjudicate far more often and, if necessary, to have penalties. As I have said, 22 cases were adjudicated last year; five were upheld. That means that on that kind of figure only five would risk any penalty. My own personal view on at least two of those cases is that it would only require a token penalty. We are not talking about fining large numbers of papers but if that penalty was available, if there were far more adjudications which were looking at what was happening, there would be a real debate about ethics within the industry and a real feeling that there are limits which should be adhered to at appropriate times.

  Mr Dear: Let us make it clear, we are against any privacy law, any statutory intrusion in privacy. I do not think that question was answered properly before. We want self-regulation but we want more effective self-regulation. That requires a system of penalties to be in place—not that you would use penalties all the time but so that they are there as a backstop for those who are persistent offenders in breaching the PCC Code and so on. We want a balance drawn on individual rights, for journalists to be able to refuse those assignments that clearly breach PCC codes of practice. Alongside that—and I know it is not the remit of this Committee—improved Freedom of Information legislation would allow journalists to be able to carry out the kind of investigations that are vitally important in a more open and transparent way.

  Professor Jempson: One of the things which is mentioned in our paper is the idea of an Ombudsman, somebody who can act as both a backstop for print and broadcast regulation but also who could be intervening if, for instance, Parliament decided to try to limit the freedom of the Press. I agree that there needs to be thought about compensation as part of the penalty system. And, perhaps most importantly of all, we need a much bigger public debate about the nature of the regulation now and possibly the need, if there is going to be any statutory legislation for a right of reply. If we do not need privacy legislation, we might need a right of reply.

  Q24  Mr Hall: The National Union of Journalists has submitted suggestions that the newspaper industry and magazine web pages that are news-related should still be regulated by the Press Complaints Commission and that all web pages should be regulated by Ofcom. Does that not add another wave of confusion to all of this if we go down that route?

  Professor Frost: I do not think it does. The way that quite a lot of these newspaper websites work at the moment is that they are getting video clips and audio clips from other sources. The Sun, very famously, recently had the flight video in the Iraq case—very, very useful to support what they ran in their own report and entirely appropriate in my view. But most of what is going on on their site and most of what goes on on other newspaper sites is coming from the standard news service and to try to consider two different types of regulation, two different types of rules that would apply, makes things unnecessarily complicated in our view. Certainly in the next 10 years of development, to leave it with the PCC, a properly run PCC of the sort we are recommending, would mean that the control is with them. But whether that was in partnership with Ofcom and whether Ofcom had some oversight, as it does in other ways [...]. For instance, Ofcom subcontracts out regulation of advertising to the Advertising Standards Authority, and it may be possible to do something more akin to that. There clearly need to be links but there are difficulties involved, we think, in having two types of regulation. Many journalists and editors find it quite difficult enough to cope with one set of regulation, never mind two or more at the same time, and so there are difficulties with that.

  Mr Dear: The problem you would have for the individual journalist is that very often they will write a story and the same story will be used in two different formats and will therefore be subject to two different sets of standards, codes, regulatory frameworks. It is a huge problem going forward, as this happens more and more, as to how we deal with it. For now, we think the case is not there for a single regulatory body to cover the whole lot because of those particular difficulties for individual journalists and editors putting together a story.

  Q25  Mr Hall: In part of your evidence you said there should be this concept of penalties. We have had figures mentioned today of £100,000 for a news story and £250,000 for a photograph. What kind of penalties would make a difference?

  Professor Frost: I do not think they need to be huge.

  Q26  Mr Hall: What would be the point if they were not huge?

  Professor Frost: I was going on to say that it depends on the paper. The PCC has always said about penalties—quite rightly—that a penalty that would be suitable for a newspaper like The Sun would wipe out a small paper like the Accrington Observer for instance. We need to find some way of ensuring that a reasonable penalty for a small weekly paper is also capable of being a reasonable penalty for a big national paper that has multimillion pound budgets. We believe there are numbers of ways of doing that. We have suggested one in our evidence. We are not particularly wedded to that particular way of doing it; it is just an example of a way of doing it to ensure there are penalties that would be sufficiently severe for the individual newspaper or magazine involved for them to take that adjudication seriously. We do not anticipate that hundreds of newspapers or magazines would have that kind of penalty brought against them each year. As I said before, I would expect it would be two, three, four, five newspapers, but the fact that that penalty is there, that it could be reasonably severe—the PCC would be able to look at the methods used, the consequences and decide what is an appropriate penalty—would seem to me to raise the ante a bit and make people take things a little more seriously.

  Chairman: Thank you very much. We now need to move on to our next session. I would like to thank you very much for coming.





 
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