Select Committee on Education and Skills Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by the Centre for Higher Education Studies (CHES) of the Institute of Education, University of London

  1.  The Institute of Education welcomes the intention of the Committee to investigate the implications of the Bologna Process for UK higher education. The broad convergence which, in our view, is taking place across European higher education, allied with the rapid expansion which has taken place in the Bologna Process membership, makes this review timely.

  2.  This submission is from the Institute's Centre for Higher Education Studies (CHES), which has contributed to research and development in the field since 1985. The Co-Directors of the Centre are Professor Ronald Barnett and Professor Sir David Watson.

  3.  CHES is making a separate submission to the Committee's parallel inquiry into the future sustainability of the higher education sector.

  4.  There are several areas in which CHES believes it can assist the Committee by drawing on research conducted by members and others in order either to confirm or challenge commonly-accepted ideas. CHES members have, over the last few years, been involved in a number of research projects focusing on various aspects of European higher education and the internationalisation of higher education more generally, including a large-scale multinational project under each of Framework Programmes 5 and 6. More such work is planned under the forthcoming FP7. This work has provided us, we believe, with a strong conceptual and empirical basis from which we can assist the Committee.

  5.  The terms of reference for the inquiry identify most of the key issues arising from the Bologna Process for UK higher education. From the standpoint of higher education and policy studies, Bologna offers a fascinating case study. What began as a limited exercise in cooperation among a handful of Western European countries has become an almost defining feature of higher education organisation across a large number of states with widely differing histories, political and economic circumstances, and current policies. Bologna has, in a sense, become the only game in town.

  6.  However, as Guy Neave, of our sister research centre, CHEPS, at the University of Twente in the Netherlands, has remarked, "Bologna, because it is a process and therefore `on-going', has no end either. It merely adds to itself `new areas' of activity in the curious belief that the dynamism of the `process' is the same thing as the spiralling length of its agenda [...] [this] has nothing whatsoever to do with the substance of higher education" (Neave 2005). We share this concern about the political and (particularly) the bureaucratic momentum behind Bologna: as well as the biennial Ministerial summits, the structure now includes the Bologna Follow-Up Group (BFUG), the Bologna Board, and the Bologna Secretariat. The European Commission, the Council of Europe and UNESCO are also involved in various ways. This top-down approach, involving a range of international bodies with their own agendas, may mean that certain realities of European higher education, at the institutional level, become overlooked. We draw attention to some of them below.

VARIATION AMONG BOLOGNA MEMBERS

  7.  UK higher education has, historically, had a strong international dimension, reflecting Britain's imperial past and links with (particularly) other English-speaking countries. The quality of UK university research (as objectively assessed through international citation rankings, for example) has also indicated the existence of strong international networks and a competitive outlook. By contrast, many continental university systems have, again historically, been more inward-looking, some having been key participants in 19th and 20th century nation-building projects, for example. For them, there is the sense that Bologna offers an international standard of comparison that UK universities have for long tended to take for granted.

  8.  This applies particularly to the newer members of the Bologna Process. The universities of countries such as Albania and Georgia badly wish to obtain international recognition, despite having serious problems about, for example, academic standards, curriculum content, physical facilities and (importantly in this context) corruption. There is a belief in these and other similarly-placed countries that Bologna offers the key to the international recognition of their degrees and of their academic standards generally; actually, it does not.

  9.  There seems to be a parallel here with the "widening versus deepening" debate around EU enlargement. The harmonisation proposed between the universities of the four signatory countries of the original 1998 Sorbonne Declaration (France, Germany, Italy and the UK) raised one set of arguably manageable issues; harmonisation among universities spread between Reykjavik and Vladivostok is a very different matter.

  10.  The Committee may therefore wish to probe how the expansion of membership of the Bologna Process has affected the likelihood of achieving the original goals of enhanced comparability and cooperation between universities.

UNDERSTANDINGS OF QUALITY

  11.  UK higher education was a European leader in introducing quality assurance systems within institutions, allied with external inspection of these systems—as distinct from the accreditation model involving detailed state control of university curricula, student admissions, finance, staffing and other matters, which is to be found in many other Bologna member states. The UK's arm's-length model of state control (often referred to in the literature as "state steering") is often held to be an important contributor to the relative effectiveness and efficiency of its universities.

  12.  The role of the Bologna Process in quality issues has therefore always been a matter of concern for UK universities. The 2003 Berlin Communiqué considered quality issues, and called on members "to develop an agreed set of standards, procedures and guidelines [...] to ensure an adequate peer review system [...]" It is not clear what this actually means, nor what benefits might follow from it. Perhaps the important point from a UK perspective is that a Bologna area-wide external quality or accreditation system was resisted. Such a system would impose the costs of a further bureaucratic layer, without, we may be reasonably confident, leading to significant improvements in the quality of teaching or research.

  13.  It seems likely that there is a continuing confusion in this debate about the meaning of "quality assurance" in higher education. The usual UK view is that it means an external review of institutional systems—so that it can say nothing about academic standards, as institutions with very different standards can have equally effective quality assurance systems. This reflects the UK situation in which a diverse group of institutions teach a more diverse student body than is often the case elsewhere. In many other Bologna states, however, external review of universities is taken to mean ensuring that certain prescribed standards are being achieved everywhere (defined, say, in terms of teaching staff qualifications, student contact hours, or library and laboratory provision), or that externally-defined curricula are being followed. These two quite different models are not always distinguished sufficiently; and the possibilities for confusion explain the sensitivity of UK universities in this area.

  14.  It seems to us, from our work with universities across Europe (and beyond), that the UK model of publicly-accountable universities, but operating with a high degree of autonomy from the central state, is becoming increasingly attractive to many countries. As they seek to expand participation in higher education while containing its costs, and at the same time improving the quality of teaching and research, the limitations of the state-control model become increasingly apparent. A transnational agenda of convergence is emerging. It would thus be paradoxical if Bologna appeared to be imposing restrictions on the freedom of manoeuvre of individual universities at a time when national governments were moving in the opposite direction.

  15.  The Committee may therefore wish to examine the views of Member States on common quality processes, and to reaffirm the importance of the Bologna Process not introducing an area-wide quality assurance or accreditation process.

THE BOLOGNA TWO-CYCLE PATTERN

  16.  The basis of the Bologna approach is the two-cycle (or three, counting doctoral degrees separately) degree pattern; the undergraduate (three to four years) programme, leading to a master's or subsequent doctoral programme. UK universities, which of course in any case broadly conformed to this pattern, have been anxious to maintain the one-year full-time master's degree, which is possible under the Bologna wordings, but which is out of line with offerings elsewhere. Similar problems arise with UK "undergraduate master's" degrees, where four years of study leads directly to a master's degree such as an MEng. UK universities argue that the intensity of their one-year (or four-year) master's courses contrasts with the more relaxed approach found in some other European universities—where, for example, the definition of "contact hours" can be variable.

  17.  This raises questions about the "readability" of degrees in Action Line 1 of Bologna. The assumption here is that all universities covered by Bologna are essentially the same, and that comparisons between them of contact hours can lead to meaningful conclusions about learning, quality and standards. We think that this view is misguided.

  18.  It is important to note that even in other European countries with what (to British eyes) seem efficient and high-quality higher education systems—the Netherlands, for example—the Bologna Process has been seen as influencing organisational change and encouraging developments in the direction of greater flexibility and openness. It seems to have been the case that education ministries in many countries have used Bologna as, in effect, an excuse to drive through what they considered to be overdue changes in university policy and management. The very large amount of organisational change that UK higher education has experienced since the 1980s, particularly through the development of reasonably effective, and certainly competitive, markets in teaching and research, has, in contrast, meant that here Bologna-related change has already been implemented.

  19.  The Committee may wish to consider stating that the Bologna Process must not of itself become a driver of future change in UK higher education, unrelated to national (arguably, international) needs in learning and research.

CREDIT TRANSFER

  20.  A credit transfer system, based on the ECTS (European Credit Transfer System) model, is the basis of Bologna Action Line 3. Most UK universities operate some form of credit accumulation and transfer system internally, and are usually open to the import of credits from recognised universities in the UK and elsewhere. But as ECTS deals only with the volume of work undertaken by a student, and can say nothing about its standard or quality, ECTS credits on their own are of limited value. Again, a mistaken view has grown up in some countries that simply adhering to ECTS protocols will allow the free international movement of students without further ado—often, ironically, in places where movement of students between faculties in the same university is often virtually impossible.

  21.  While credit transfer systems and enhanced student mobility are important, and are generally welcomed by UK universities, it should be emphasised that such systems cannot over-ride institutional decisions about student admissions. Given the range of university systems now covered by Bologna, bi-lateral understandings between universities are likely to offer the best way forward in this area. It will be important to ensure that any European "qualifications framework", designed to enhance mobility, does not place procedural obstacles in the way of creative and flexible developments in teaching and learning.

  22.  In considering credit transfer issues, the Committee will wish to be aware of the practical limitations of these approaches.

SELECTED REFERENCES  Dow, E (2006). Britannia meets Bologna: still making waves? Perspectives: Policy and Practice in Higher Education, 10(1), 9-14.

  Huisman, J and van der Wende, M (Eds) (2004). On co-operation and competition: national and European policies for the internationalisation of higher education. Bonn: Lemmens.

  Keeling, R (2006). The Bologna Process and the Lisbon Research Agenda: the European Commission's expanding role in higher education discourse. European Journal of Education, 41(2), 203-223.

  Kettunen, J and Kantola, M (2006). The implementation of the Bologna Process. Tertiary Education and Management, 12(3), 257-267.

  Morgan, A (2006). Pushing through Bologna reforms: the Hungarian case. International Higher Education, 42, 12-14.

  Neave, G (2005). Euro-philiacs, Euro-sceptics and Europhobics: higher education policy, values and institutional research. Tertiary Education and Management, 11(2), 113-129.

  Reichert, S and Tauch, C (2005). Trends IV: European universities implementing Bologna. Brussels: EUA (European University Association) Available at www.eua.be

  Scott, P (Ed) (1998). The globalization of higher education. Buckingham: SRHE/Open University Press.

  van der Wende, M and Huisman, J (2004). The EU and Bologna: are supra- and international initiatives threatening domestic agendas? European Journal of Education, 39(3), 349-357.

  Wachter, B (2004). The Bologna Process: developments and prospects. European Journal of Education, 39(3), 265-273.

  Witte, J (2004). The introduction of two-tiered study structures in the context of the Bologna Process: a theoretical framework for an international comparative study of change in higher education systems. Higher Education Policy, 17(4), 405-425.

December 2006





 
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