Select Committee on Environmental Audit Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by the RSPB

SUMMARY

  The RSPB believes that forecasting greenhouse gas emissions can be a valuable tool in designing policy but believes:

    —    ultimately the Government should be seeking to set absolute limits on emissions through a carbon budgeting process linked to targets;

    —    aviation and shipping emissions should be included in these projections; and

    —    cost-effectiveness analysis should be a tool to assist with selecting the right policies, and not a means of determining whether or not a previously agreed Government target should be met.

  The RSPB welcomes the publication of the draft Climate Change Bill, believes that it represents an important landmark on the path to a low carbon economy but believes that:

    —    there should be recognition in the bill that the UK should assume an equitable share of reductions needed to limit the average global temperature rises by two degrees above pre-industrial levels;

    —    trading schemes should be restricted to those sectors where they will be cost-effective;

    —    five-year carbon budgets should be complemented by annual reporting against milestones;

    —    emission reduction targets should be identified for particular sectors;

    —    the Committee on Climate Change should be subject to a sustainable development duty to ensure a sustainable approach to addressing climate change; and

    —    provision of the investment at home and abroad necessary to ensure that wildlife survives the ravages of human-induced climate change.

FORECASTING

Is the Government's current approach to forecasting "fit for purpose"

  1.  Projections are an important tool in designing policies that will allow the UK to meet emission reduction targets. However, we must not perpetuate the current situation, where emission reductions are calculated as a percentage reduction from business as usual (BAU), and where no means exist to increase that percentage promptly, in line with the absolute limits on carbon emissions established through a carbon budgeting process.

  2.  To illustrate this, we would like to draw the attention of the Committee to the way in which National Allocation Plans under the EU Emissions Trading Scheme make use of projections. At present, the UK National Allocation Plan is established by identifying a range of potential percentage reductions from the projected BAU case, initially without reference to the absolute reductions necessary to achieve relevant targets. Whilst the top of this range was chosen for the current National Allocation Plan, in an effort to bridge the "carbon gap" left by other policies, this approach could not ultimately address the problem of rising BAU emissions resulting in a still greater gap as time went by.

  3.  We welcome the Committee's interest in this subject, and in the future would like to see a system of greater consistency and transparency in developing projections, with regular revisions allowing rapid adjustment of policies to keep emissions on target. Projections should also include all significant sources of emissions, including aviation and shipping.

How should the Government deal with whether there can be a greater role for independent assurance; unavoidable uncertainties in forecasting; and whether targets and forecasts should include international aviation and shipping

  4.  The Committee on Climate Change, proposed in the draft Climate Change Bill, could usefully oversee the work of the Government in relation to projections.

  5.  Unavoidable uncertainties in forecasting could be better managed by adjusting for optimism bias, and taking the upper part of the range of projected emissions as the model for establishing policy. The urgency of the climate crisis should dictate that we err on the side of making greater savings, rather than over-shooting targets. We also believe that this makes economic sense—early savings are likely to prove cost-effective, whilst missing targets at this stage passes on an increased burden for the future.

  6.  Aviation and shipping emissions should be included in projections. Their exclusion from Kyoto targets is widely acknowledged as a policy failure. Action to include aviation within the EU ETS will go some way to address this, but not far enough. Including air and shipping emissions in UK projections would demonstrate international leadership and bring forward early measures to help UK carriers adapt to future market conditions. Allocation methods may need to be adjusted to reflect international agreements as these are made; provision for this should be included in the Climate Change Bill.

What improvements are needed in long-term forecasts their production and use

  7.  We are not qualified to comment on the design of models to improve long-term forecasts about the scale and direction of economic growth. However, it is important that budget allocations over the next fifteen year period, as proposed in the draft Climate Change Bill, do not leave those in the future with a mountain to climb, to achieve medium to long-term targets. Gains made now are likely to be more cost effective than "back-loading"; to the extent that our best (and possibly only) chance of staying below the two-degree global safety limit, depends on seeing emissions peak and decline by 2015.

COST-EFFECTIVENESS ANALYSIS

  8.  We recognise that cost-effectiveness analysis can be a useful tool in designing the best policy mix to achieve government goals. However, the 2006 Climate Change Programme's failure to establish policies capable of achieving the 2010 CO2 target raises questions about the partial manner in which it was applied.

  9.  Cost-effectiveness analysis should be a tool to assist with selecting the right policies, and not a means of determining whether or not a previously agreed government target should be met. The 2010 target could have been achieved, if the Government had given a clear signal to those engaged in the review, that they should find the most cost-effective policy mix to achieve the outcome. Instead, different work strands appraised policies singly, using different methodologies, and rejected many on the grounds of inadequate cost effectiveness, political difficulties, uncertain outcomes, or limited carbon gains, leaving a "carbon gap" which could not later be filled. These problems must be addressed in future.

  10.  Cost-effectiveness analysis in future should be undertaken under the supervision and guidance of the Committee on Climate Change. A single method should be applied to all policies, including fiscal policies within the domain of HM Treasury. Sufficient time must be allowed to appraise all potential policy ideas, including those are not part of the current mix. Policies should be appraised for their effectiveness across a number of time-scales, including the target for 2050. Finally, further efforts must be made to understand the full range of ancillary costs and benefits associated with a particular approach; for example, the net social and environmental costs of renewable energy supply and biofuels.

Is the social cost of carbon an appropriate basis for future policy appraisal

  11.  There is intense debate around the social cost of carbon (SCC) which will continue as long the impacts of climate change are uncertain and the methods use to calculate costs vary. We are therefore broadly in agreement with the decision not to use the SCC as means of appraising individual policies. Moreover, by setting its own emission reduction target, the Government has clearly signalled that action to achieve it will, in its view, be broadly cost effective. If this is the case, it should not be left to individual appraisals of different policies, to decide whether or not to use SCC as a determinant of cost effectiveness. Despite the uncertainty surrounding the SCC, however, it remains a powerful means of communicating the external costs associated with carbon emitting activities.

Has the Government's approach to evaluating cost-effectiveness in the context of the Climate Change Programme Review been too short-term in focussing on the 2010 target

  12.  The rejection of policies likely to be crucial in achieving a low-carbon economy in the medium to long term, is a particular weakness of the current approach to cost effectiveness analysis (CEA). The continuing increases in emissions from key sectors such as transport, send out warning signals about our ability to meet targets at 2050. We must therefore begin to consider, and implement, more radical approaches with longer pay-back times.

  13.  It is instructive that at the time of the Climate Change Review CEA, policies for amending the building regulations to achieve carbon zero new build were rejected prior to CEA being applied, on the grounds that it would be difficult to achieve "buy-in" from the house building sector. Subsequent events have proved this to be false—a forward-thinking regulatory approach has seen house-builders embrace new environmental challenges with relish. It would appear that in certain cases, therefore, the Government did not even reach the point of applying CEA, because of political reluctance in key departments. The Climate Change Bill must address this, by recognising that our long-term ambitions will require action in all sectors; and determining patterns of carbon reduction in the short, medium and long-term which enable this to happen.

ACCOUNTABILITY, TARGETS, AND REPORTING

What additional reporting and monitoring arrangements are required to support the aim of a transparent framework for emissions reduction

  14.  The draft Climate Change Bill makes considerable progress towards establishing a more transparent reporting and monitoring framework. However, it is vital that whilst budgets are set on a five-year cycle, reporting against annual milestones drives policy adjustments when these become necessary.

What should be the roles and responsibilities of the Interdepartmental Analysts Group, the newly created Office of Climate Change, and the proposed Carbon Committee

  15.  The Committee on Climate Change should, in our view, have overall responsibility for advising on:

    (i)  Appropriate targets to enable the UK to make an equitable contribution towards avoiding dangerous climate change (that is, limiting global temperature rises to no more than two degrees average above pre-industrial levels; and ppmv CO2 equivalent to 450).

    (ii)  A reduction trajectory that enables the UK to meet its targets in the most economically, environmentally and socially efficient manner, determining budget allocations for five-year cycles within this, and annual milestones.

    (iii)  The balance of reductions between sectors, to ensure that they are achieved in the most economically, environmentally and socially efficient manner.

  16.  It should also inform government reporting against annual milestones; five-year budgets; and progress towards national and international targets (short and long-term). To do this, the Committee on Climate Change must include members with expertise on climate science; economics; social sciences; and environmental policy. It must also have a duty placed on it, to undertake its work according to the principles of sustainable development; with guidance outlining how this duty should be applied.

What approach should the Government take towards setting short-term targets as a means of ensuring progress towards its long-term goal of a 60% reduction in carbon emissions

  17.  We agree with the Government's proposal in the draft Climate Change Bill, to approach short-term target setting through budgetary cycles, but believe this must be supplemented with reporting against annual milestones. The nature of the budget allocations themselves must be determined by establishing a rational emissions reduction trajectory, of the kind described above.

RSPB POLICY PRIORITIES FOR THE DRAFT CLIMATE CHANGE BILL: A SUMMARY

Climate science and level of effort

  18.  The Government has committed itself through the Energy Review 2003, and through its membership of the EU, to help limit average global temperature rises to two degrees above pre-industrial levels. Evidence from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has demonstrated that to have a reasonable chance of achieving this goal, ppmv CO2 equivalent must rise no higher than 450. Yet the Government has neither acknowledged the need to aim for 450 ppmv, nor set its long-term target in relation to this goal. This must be addressed in the Climate Change Bill, by requiring that future targets will be established on the advice of the Committee on Climate Change, in line with the UK assuming an equitable share of the reductions needed to keep within the two-degree and 450 ppv limit.

Balance of effort between international and national action, and role of international and domestic trading schemes

  19.  The Government has indicated its interest in creating a series of linked trading schemes, capable of delivering reductions in CO2 emissions in the most cost effective manner. In theory, we support approach. However, we have grave reservations about the ability of the international carbon market to deliver the reductions needed now. Our principle objections take three forms.

  20.  Firstly, the caps in place as Kyoto targets, and as National Allocation Plans in the EU ETS, are demonstrably inadequate. Trading with these schemes, therefore, is trading in a context where the market cannot drive significant cuts in emissions.

  21.  Secondly, trading with "uncapped" players, unless strictly limited, undermines the market and its ability to drive emission reductions. In the case of the EU ETS, Kyoto credits (CDM and JI) are available in sufficient numbers to undermine its effectiveness.

  22.  Thirdly, we are not convinced of the efficiency of adopting a cap and trade scheme in some sectors, for example surface transport. In this area, improvements in vehicle efficiency and fuel quality are likely to be a more cost effective way of tackling climate change. We would be similarly concerned about the introduction of cap and trade scheme focussed on farming and land-use.

  23.  We would therefore prefer government to place limits on trading with international carbon markets where possible,[2] until those markets have a cap commensurate with achieving the two-degree/450 ppmv limit, are not distorted by trade with uncapped players. We also wish it to restrict new trading schemes to those sectors where they will be demonstrably cost effective. These conditions should be reflected in the provisions of the Climate Change Bill, along with a signal from Government that it intends to achieve the great majority of its domestic targets through efforts at home.

  24.  We recognise that one danger of restricting international trading to meet UK commitments, is to cut off the flow of capital to developing countries to help them decarbonise. In our view, this problem should be addressed either by increasing our level of ambition (in which case we could afford to be more relaxed about achieving a greater proportion of our domestic target through international trading), or by using funds from auctioned credits in cap and trade schemes, to fund clean development.

Budgetary cycles and annual reporting

  25.  We warmly welcome Government's decision to place carbon budgeting at the heart of the draft Climate Change Bill. We also welcome the five-year budget cycle, in line with commitment periods under international agreements. However, we will argue strongly for annual reporting against milestones, to ensure that policies and emissions reductions stay on track in the budget period.

Ensuing that policies deliver on targets

  26.  At present, the draft Climate Change Bill is proposing a national framework of targets, which do not drill down to sectoral level. Whilst we sympathise with the need to ensure flexibility in delivery, we are not convinced that this approach will overcome the failures in the 2006 Climate Change Programme, in particular, the failure to consider long-term goals, and the risk of "lock-in" to high-emitting policies. We recognise that advice from the Committee on Climate Change will take into account these issues, but wish to see this carried through into policies, by obliging the Government to identify sectoral targets, under Section 6 of the Climate Change Bill.

Ensuring sustainable delivery

  27.  Climate change is a massive environmental problem requiring urgent solutions. However, it is not the only threat to our natural environment and resources, and the people who depend on them. We believe that at present there is a risk that all other environmental considerations will be subsumed in the drive to reduce emissions, and that the wider environment, and specifically biodiversity, may be harmed as a result. Examples include the inappropriate location of large-scale windfarms; and the promotion of biofuels produced in ways which displace important habitats, damage wildlife, or threaten local livelihoods.

  28.  To ensure a sustainable approach to addressing climate change, we believe that the Committee on Climate Change should be subject to a sustainable development duty, to be defined by guidance from the Secretary of State. We also propose that representation on the Committee on Climate Change includes experts in environmental policy.

Investing in adaptation at home and abroad

  29.  The draft Climate Change Bill includes a reporting requirement in relation to adaptation, but very little else. In our view, the Bill represents an important opportunity for the Government to build and implement a robust programme of action on adaptation.

  30.  Wildlife in the UK and abroad is facing a massive threat from human-induced climate change. A recent paper in Nature predicted that up to one third of land-based species could be committed to extinction by the middle of this century, if we do not act to mitigate and adapt.

  31.  We will be seeking a commitment from the Government during the passage of the Climate Change Bill, to provide the investment at home and abroad necessary to ensure that wildlife survives the ravages of human-induced climate change.

Devolution

  32.  The RSPB is a UK organisation, with country offices in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. The powers to create targets and implement policies in relation to climate change are a complex mixture of the reserved and devolved, and we are aware that additional legislation at the country level will be required to ensure that we reach our environmental goals. Like others, we will work closely with colleagues across the UK to ensure an appropriate mixture of UK and country-level law and policy, capable of supporting rapid and significant emission reductions and robust action on adaptation.

March 2007







2   We acknowledge that companies currently trading within the EU ETS must continue to do so, but do not believe that further links should be made with domestic trading schemes and international markets until the market itself is working efficiently to drive down emissions. Back


 
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