Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Second Report


Appendix 2: Extracts from previous FAC Reports and Government Responses


2002

June 2002 : Seventh Report : Foreign Policy Aspects of the War Against Terrorism

THE DETAINEES AT GUANTÁNAMO BAY

137. A further legal question relates to the treatment of persons detained by the US in Afghanistan and transported for questioning to the US military base in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. More than 300 "unlawful combatants" remain in captivity, from 31 countries. Five of these are British citizens.

138. The US has refused to grant these "detainees" prisoner of war (POW) status, and the Administration contends that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to the detainees. In the words of the US Embassy in London: "The President has determined that the Geneva Convention applies to the Taliban detainees, but not to the al-Qaida detainees. Al-Qaida is not a state party to the Geneva Convention; it is a foreign terrorist group. As such its members are not entitled to POW status. Under the terms of the Geneva Convention, however, the Taliban detainees do not qualify as POWs. Therefore, neither the Taliban nor al-Qaida detainees are entitled to POW status [although] they are being provided many POW privileges as a matter of policy."

139. Speaking before the camp at Guantánamo Bay was set up, the Foreign Secretary told us that "We have to ensure that terrorist prisoners of war are treated in accordance with international law." However, since the camp was established, government Ministers and spokesmen have no longer referred to terrorist detainees as "prisoners of war."

140. We understand that the US authorities have made "no decisions... on the disposition of the detainees currently being held. The fate of the detainees will be determined on a case-by-case basis." We heard during our visit to Washington in March 2002 that if, after review, the US decides that a detainee does not pose a significant security threat, he will be repatriated. However, the US claims "every right" to detain certain individuals "for the duration of the conflict," even if they are acquitted of specific crimes. Victory in the war against terrorism is difficult to foresee. This leads us to question how long the US intends to keep these individuals in custody.

141. The US President made an executive order on 13 November 2001, to establish special military commissions to try the "unlawful combatants." The announcement of these special commissions provoked considerable controversy in the US and elsewhere. On 21 March 2002, the Department of Defense presented additional procedural guidelines for these commissions. They are designed to try non-US citizens selected by the US President, to include al Qaeda members, people involved in acts of terrorism against the United States, and people who knowingly harboured such terrorists. The procedural guidelines released on 21 March allay some of the fears initially voiced about the commissions: for example, the Department of Defence made clear that suspected terrorists would be granted the presumption of innocence, the right to choose counsel and to see the prosecution's evidence, and to trial in public—though classified information would be kept secret. Those arraigned would also be granted the right to remain silent.

142. However, there is no jury. An appeal procedure is only to a panel of judges appointed by the military: non-US citizens cannot appeal to US federal courts. Detention is indefinite. For these reasons, the military commissions continue to prompt considerable criticism, both inside and outside the United States. The lawyer and academic Ronald Dworkin, assessing the clarified rules for the commissions, described the Administration's decision to prevent appeals to civilian courts as "indefensible. The new procedures permit a prisoner to be tried in secret and sentenced to death on evidence that neither he nor anyone else outside the military—no-one, that is, not under the Pentagon's direct command—has even heard." Dworkin concluded that "we have no right to roam the world arresting foreigners we think might be dangerous and keeping them in our jails when we cannot show them to have committed any crime."

143. The international coalition needs to be seen to treat prisoners justly. 'Winning hearts and minds' in the Islamic world is tremendously important for the long term success of the war against terrorism, and prisoners taken in Afghanistan have not been universally perceived to have been treated humanely and with justice. As Rosemary Hollis also pointed out to us "once you abandon attention to the means" in the war against terrorism, "you influence the ends."

144. We conclude in relation to the detention of Taliban and al Qaeda suspects, as we do in relation to other matters, that the Government must strive to uphold standards of international law, and, to the greatest extent possible, to ensure that prisoners are tried in full accordance with internationally accepted norms of justice.

145. We recommend that the Government consider whether the Geneva Conventions remain wholly appropriate in the modern conduct of warfare. If they do not, there may be a need to work towards a new international consensus to amend the Conventions, to ensure that the protection that they provide to civilians and combatants is maintained.

AUGUST 2002 : FCO RESPONSE CM 5589

The United Kingdom Government has been in close contact with the United States Government about the treatment of the British detainees being held by the US at the Naval Base in Guantanamo Bay. It is for the US, as the detaining power, to decide whether, and if so how, they will prosecute the detainees. However, we have made our view clear to the US, and will continue to do so, that if any of the detainees are prosecuted they should receive a fair trial in accordance with international law.

The Geneva Conventions of 1949 were updated and expanded in the two Protocols of 1977. The Conventions and their Protocols form the cornerstone of international humanitarian law. This crucial body of law is applicable to all kinds of armed conflict; the challenge for all governments is to see that it is faithfully applied. The Government remains determined that the United Kingdom will continue to play a leading role in securing the application and implementation of international humanitarian law worldwide. The Government will keep under review the need to update the law, in consultation as appropriate with the International Committee of the Red Cross and the international community more generally. Our aim is to ensure that it affords the maximum protection to those vulnerable to the effects of armed conflict, that it restricts the means and methods of conflict, and that it delivers justice to all.

DECEMBER 2002 : SECOND REPORT : FOREIGN POLICY ASPECTS OF THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM

Prisoners Detained at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba

228. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the subsequent military operations in Afghanistan, over six hundred individuals, including seven British nationals, have been detained by the United States government in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba and classified as "unlawful combatants". We discussed the treatment and status of these detainees in our Seventh Report.

229. Before agreeing the Seventh Report, we asked the United States government to clarify how it intended to deal with the detainees. The US response was that the relevant authorities have made "no decisions... on the disposition of the detainees currently being held. The fate of the detainees will be determined on a case-by-case basis." In March 2002, when we visited Washington, we were reassured to hear that if, after review, the US decides that a detainee does not pose a significant security threat, he will be repatriated.

230. We questioned in the Seventh Report for how long the US intended to detain the prisoners it holds at Guantánamo Bay. The US Secretary of State for Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, had stated that the US claims "every right" to detain certain individuals "for the duration of the conflict," even if they are acquitted of specific crimes. This poses the question of whether the 'war against terrorism', unlike a conventional conflict, can ever have an end. The only detainees released from Guantánamo so far are a mentally ill inmate who was returned to Afghanistan on May 1, 2002, and four detainees (two of whom were over 80 years old) who were returned to Afghanistan and Pakistan on October 28, 2002.

231. The President of the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights, Michael Ratner, wrote to us that the prisoners at Guantánamo Bay "have not been charged, tried or given access to lawyers." Citing US Department of Defense press transcripts, Mr Ratner, reminds us that "The United States has itself acknowledged that at least 'some [of the detainees] were 'victims of circumstance' and probably innocent.'" Nonetheless, "Since gaining control of the detainees, the United States military has held them virtually incommunicado. They have been or will be interrogated repeatedly by agents of the United States Departments of Defense and Justice, though they have not been charged with an offense, nor have they been notified of any pending or contemplated charges. They have made no appearance before either a military or civilian tribunal of any sort, nor have they been provided with counsel or the means to contact counsel."

232. In a Written Statement on 11 December 2002, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Mr Mike O'Brien, wrote: "British officials paid a fourth visit to Guantánamo Bay between 11-15 November... The official passed to the camp authorities some personal letters for some of the detainees and was able to give oral messages to others. We have passed on to the families oral messages which were received and have briefed them on details of the detainees' circumstances. For reasons of privacy these details are not disclosed in this statement. Detainees continue to be able to send and receive letters through the camp authorities and through the ICRC, although there is some concern about delays."

233. Citing the cases of Messrs. Rasul and Iqbal, two of the British citizens detained at Guantánamo, Mr Ratner informs us that the detainees' "ability to contact their families has been severely restricted ... Attempts by their Members of Parliament to secure greater access to them by their families have failed." The Center for Constitutional Rights, having examined the cases, has concluded that: "(i) the detentions are unlawful, arbitrary and indefinite contrary to the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution and customary international law, specifically Articles 9 and 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Articles 18, 25 and 26 of the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man; and (ii) that the detainees' rights as persons seized in times of armed conflict, as established under, inter alia, the regulations of the United States Military, Articles 4 and 5 of Geneva Convention III, Geneva Convention IV, and customary international law have been violated. We also believe that the ancient writ of habeas corpus should be available to the detainees to challenge their detention."

234. We further note with interest the Abbasi case, which was "an attempt by judicial review proceedings to pressure the Foreign Secretary to intervene more forcefully on behalf of [Mr Abbasi, A British citizen held at Guantánamo Bay] and the other detainees ... on the basis that the Foreign Office was not reacting appropriately to the fact that [a British citizen was] being arbitrarily detained in violation of his fundamental human rights."

235. In the Abbasi case, the Court of Appeal "made a clear finding that 'in apparent contradiction of fundamental principles recognised by both jurisdictions and by international law, Mr Abbasi is at present detained in a 'legal black hole' and [w]hat appears to us to be objectionable is that Mr Abbasi should be subject to indefinite detention in territory over which the United States has exclusive control with no opportunity to challenge the legitimacy of his detention before any court or tribunal'. This was a matter of "deep concern" to the Court, which it appeared to hope would be conveyed to the appellate courts of the United States. However, the Court felt it could not order the Foreign Secretary to do more than consider Mr Abbasi representations for assistance, which had been done."

236. The US government maintains that the detainees at Guantánamo Bay are being treated humanely. Delegates of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have visited the detainees, at the invitation of the US Government. The American Red Cross explains that the US government issued this invitation to the ICRC, because "Along with 188 other nations across the globe, the United States is committed to meeting the standards of humanitarian treatment described in the Geneva Conventions." During our visits to Washington in March and October this year, US officials have also made it clear to us that some of the Guantánamo detainees have provided the administration with valuable intelligence, which may help to prevent further civilian casualties in the 'war against terrorism.'

237. In the Seventh Report, we concluded that "in relation to the detention of Taliban and al Qaeda suspects, as we do in relation to other matters, that the Government must strive to uphold standards of international law, and, to the greatest extent possible, to ensure that prisoners are tried in full accordance with internationally accepted norms of justice." In August, the Government replied to this conclusion that "It is for the US, as the detaining power, to decide whether, and if so how, they will prosecute the detainees. However, we have made our view clear to the US, and will continue to do so, that if any of the detainees are prosecuted they should receive a fair trial in accordance with international law." We are pleased that the Foreign Secretary was able to raise the cases with the US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, at the Prague NATO summit on 20 November 2002.

238. While we understand that the US government has obtained valuable intelligence from prisoners detained at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, we are nonetheless concerned that the US government continues to detain many of these prisoners without trial. We recommend that the Government continue to press the US government to move rapidly towards the trial of these alleged terrorists, in accordance with international law.

239. We recommend that the Government supply us with further information about the seven British citizens currently being held, including details about when and how they can expect to be tried, and whether, if found guilty, they will be liable to the death penalty.

FEBRUARY 2003 : FCO RESPONSE CM 5739

The Foreign Secretary has raised the question of detainees in Guantánamo Bay with the US Secretary of State on a number of occasions, most recently on 23 January. UK and US officials are in regular contact on the matter. We are pressing the US to move forward on deciding what to do with the detainees.

We are pressing the US to decide what to do with the detainees. It is for the US, as the detaining power, to decide whether they are going to prosecute them. We have made clear our view that, if prosecuted, the detainees should receive a fair trial. The US is well aware of the UK's opposition to the death penalty under all circumstances.

2003

March 2003 : Fourth Report : Human Rights Annual Report 2002

Guantánamo Bay

19. The first chapter of the latest Annual Report also included a box containing details on the situation of the detainees at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. There are, at present, nine British nationals detained at the naval base there by the US authorities, following the events of 11 September 2001 and the overthrow of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The Annual Report stated that: "The question of the detainees' status, access to them and the legal procedure to which they might be subject are complex. The UK has discussed these issues with the US and will continue to do so."

20. We have inquired into the status of these detainees as part of our on-going inquiry into the foreign policy aspects of the war against terrorism. In our latest Report on this subject we stated that:

"While we understand that the US government has obtained valuable information intelligence from prisoners detained at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, we are nonetheless concerned that the US government continues to detain many of these prisoners without trial. We recommend that the Government continues to press the US government to move rapidly towards the trial of these alleged terrorist, in accordance with international law."

21. In that Report, we also noted the 'Abbasi case', in which the family of Mr Feroz Ali Abbasi, one of the detainees at Guantánamo Bay, had sought by judicial review to compel the FCO to intervene more forcefully with the US Administration on his behalf. In November the Court of Appeal concluded that, "Mr Abbasi is at present arbitrarily detained in a 'legal black-hole'", in what was a "clear breach" of his "fundamental human rights". The judgement also recorded the Court's view that: "[w]hat appears to us to be objectionable is that Mr Abbasi should be subject to indefinite detention in territory over which the United States has exclusive control with no opportunity to challenge the legitimacy of his detention before any court or tribunal." However, the Court felt unable to order the Foreign Secretary to do more than consider Mr Abbasi's representations for assistance.

22. Human Rights Watch, in its written evidence, stated bluntly that, "the holding of these detainees is in contravention of international humanitarian law," and Amnesty International expressed similar concern at the legal position of the detainees. Amnesty also complained about the description of the situation in the Annual Report, which it felt to be "at best, oblique" and failed to answer some of the fundamental questions about the United Kingdom's stance on this issue.

23. We conclude that the ambiguous status of the detainees at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, risks undermining the United Kingdom's ability to speak out on human rights issues. We reiterate our concern that the Government continue to press the US Government on the conditions in which the detainees are held and on the need for them to be brought to trial as soon as possible.

MAY 2003 : FCO RESPONSE CM 5820

As the Prime Minister said to the House on 26 February 2003, this is a highly unusual and difficult situation which we would certainly want to try to bring to an end as swiftly as possible. The Annual Report on Human Rights 2002 set out in some detail the conditions in which the detainees are held. UK officials have now visited a total of five times. The Government has throughout sought to ensure the detainees' wellbeing and will continue press the US Government on this. The International Committee of the Red Cross has a presence on Guantanamo Bay. It has access on demand to the detainees. The status of each detainee under humanitarian law has to be considered in the light of the facts of the individual case. Whatever their status, the detainees are entitled to humane treatment, and if prosecuted, a fair trial. The Government continues to urge the US to resolve the detainees' situation as quickly as possible.

JULY 2003 : TENTH REPORT : FOREIGN POLICY ASPECTS OF THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM

244. A further area of difference between the US administration and the Government is the continued detention of prisoners—including nine Britons—at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. We have discussed the detention of these prisoners in our previous two Reports in the Inquiry; in our December 2002 Report, we expressed concern "that the US government continues to detain many of these prisoners without trial", and recommended "that the Government continue to press the US government to move rapidly towards the trial of these alleged terrorists, in accordance with international law." Seven months have passed since we made this recommendation. We reiterate our concerns, raised in December 2002, that British citizens are being held without trial at Guantánamo Bay, and recommend again that the Government press the US towards trial of all the detainees in accordance with international law.

245. On 7 July, 2003, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Chris Mullin, told the House that "the United States designated six detainees including two British nationals held at Guantánamo Bay, as eligible for trial under a military commission." The Government has "strong reservations about the military commission", which it has "raised, and will continue to raise … energetically with the US … So far, neither of the detainees has been charged. However, we have made it clear to the US that we expect the US to fulfil internationally accepted standards of a fair trial." Chris Mullin stated that "If there is any suggestion that the death penalty might be sought in these cases, we would raise the strongest possible objections." He also made it clear that "frankly, we disagree" with the United States' view that the Geneva Conventions do not apply to the prisoners held at Guantánamo Bay. However, the Government believes that "it is probably not to the advantage of these defendants—or to that of any others—that we engage in megaphone diplomacy with the United States. This is a delicate and sensitive issue that has to be pursued in a delicate and sensitive way".

246. In our December 2003 Report, we stated that we "understand that the US government has obtained valuable intelligence from prisoners detained at Guantánamo Bay". However, it is the Government's responsibility to do all it can to ensure that the rights of British citizens are upheld. We also agree with the Government's view, expressed by Chris Mullin on 7 July, that "it is strongly in the interests of the United States that these trials be conducted in a credible and transparent fashion, because that obviously will affect the respect in which the United States is held throughout the world." We recommend that the Government press the US to ensure that the forthcoming trials of the two British citizens detained at Guantánamo are conducted according to internationally recognised judicial standards and that, if sanctioned by the Crown Prosecution Service, those trials should take place in the United Kingdom.

247. Judging the extent of the United Kingdom's influence over the US is, of course, very difficult. It seems clear that, in the wake of the Iraq war, the United Kingdom has emerged from the Iraq war as America's closest ally. We conclude that in a number of areas—including ensuring the fair trial of prisoners detained at Guantánamo Bay—the Government must ensure that its close relationship with the US administration brings substantive benefits to the United Kingdom and its citizens.

SEPTEMBER 2003 : FCO RESPONSE CM 5968

The Government has consistently pressed the US Administration in London and Washington to come to a decision on how to resolve quickly the position of the Guantanamo Bay detainees. On 3 July the US designated six detainees, including two British nationals held at Guantanamo Bay, as eligible for trial by a Military Commission. This is a clear indication that the US is now ready to put some of the detainees through judicial process. However, we have made clear to the US that we have strong reservations about the Military Commissions.

The Government has made clear to the US our view that any trial procedure that the British detainees may face must be fair and meet generally recognised principles. Following the Prime Minister's visit to Washington in July, the US announced that all legal proceedings against British nationals held at Guantanamo Bay would be suspended pending further discussions.

The Attorney General visited Washington from 21-22 July for talks with the US Administration. His objective was to ensure that the British detainees in Guantanamo Bay, if prosecuted, are assured of fair trials that meet generally recognised principles, wherever those trials take place, and to make clear our opposition to the death penalty. We are discussing a number of options with the US Government, including the possible repatriation of the UK detainees. The talks were constructive and the Attorney General received a number of assurances from the US Administration, including agreement that the prosecution would not seek the death penalty in the cases of Mr Begg and Mr Abbasi. Other concessions included agreement that Mr Begg and Mr Abbasi would be able to be represented by an appropriately qualified US civilian lawyer of their own choosing, subject to security clearance, and that a UK lawyer would be able to serve as a consultant on the defence team. It was also agreed that subject to any necessary security restrictions, the trials of Mr Begg and Mr Abbasi would be open and the media present. Proceedings against Mr Begg and Mr Abbasi remain suspended and the Attorney General is continuing his discussions with the US Administration.

The Attorney General has met the US Administration twice since then, most recently on 12 August. Productive discussions have continued on the Military Commissions process and on the review of other potential options for a resolution of the cases of the British detainees held in Guantanamo Bay. The US is considering what further assurances they can give as regards the process. At the time of going to print, further discussions were planned for late September. The Government will continue to press the US Government urgently to resolve the position of all the detainees held in Guantanamo Bay.

2004

February 2004 : Second Report : Foreign Policy Aspects of the War against Terrorism

Guantánamo Bay

320. In our previous Reports we have discussed the detention of prisoners at Guantánamo Bay and expressed concern that the US government continues to detain many of these prisoners without trial. We have also recommended that the Government continue to press the US government to move rapidly towards the trial of these alleged terrorists, in accordance with international law. In addition, we concluded that in a number of areas—including ensuring the fair trial of prisoners detained at Guantánamo Bay—the Government must ensure that its close relationship with the US administration brings clear, substantive benefits to the United Kingdom and its citizens.

321. In his press conference with President George W Bush on 20 November 2003, the Prime Minister said that the issue of British detainees at Guantánamo Bay "will be resolved at some point or other." The Prime Minister also highlighted the fact that the UK will "make sure that justice is done for people." On 2 December the Foreign Secretary told us that

we are reaching, or near, a conclusion on this. If we are not able to achieve a satisfactory outcome in terms of the conditions which we would find acceptable, then we will ask for the UK detainees to be returned to the United Kingdom. That is where we are. I want it to be resolved as soon as possible. It is not satisfactory.

322. More recently, on 8 January 2003, Pierre-Richard Prosper, the US Ambassador for war crimes issues, told a briefing that United Kingdom detainees could be repatriated if the United Kingdom "managed" them. However, neither the FCO nor the US State Department have clarified Mr Prosper's comments.

323. We remain concerned at the Government's lack of progress in ensuring the fair trial of British citizens currently detained at Guantánamo Bay. We note that the current situation of uncertainty surrounding the fate of the United Kingdom detainees is unsatisfactory. We recommend that the Government continue to press the US towards trial of all the detainees in accordance with international law.

MARCH 2004 : FCO RESPONSE CM 6162

As the Foreign Secretary foreshadowed on 19 February and in the House on 24 February, 5 of the 9 British detainees were released and returned to the UK on 9 March as a result of discussions between the British and US Governments. The detainees were questioned by the British police and subsequently released without charge. Discussions between the British and US Governments on the remaining 4 British detainees in Guantanamo Bay continue. The UK's position remains that they should either be tried in accordance with international standards or returned to the UK. The Government will continue to work to resolve their position.

MAY 2004 : FOURTH REPORT : HUMAN RIGHTS ANNUAL REPORT 2003

Guantánamo Bay

52. The United States currently holds about 660 people at its naval base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. These detainees are terrorist suspects, many of whom were captured during the US campaign in Afghanistan in the winter of 2001, subsequent to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. Three of these detainees were British residents, and six were British nationals. On 19 February 2004 the Foreign Secretary made a statement to the House of Commons in which he made clear that the United Kingdom's requests for the repatriation of five of its nationals were successful. He said that the men would face police investigations on their arrival but that any further action would depend on the outcome of those investigations. Subsequently, the USA released the five men, Rhuhel Ahmed, Tareq Dergoul, Jamal Udeen, Asif Iqbal amd Shafiq Rasul, on 10 March 2004. Four remain in Guantánamo Bay. They are Feroz Abbasi, Moazzam Begg, Richard Belmar and Martin Mubanga.

53. The FCO Annual Report contains a section on Guantánamo Bay, describing in some detail the situation of the detainees and including the Prime Minister's comments to US President Bush on 17 July 2003 and the work done by the Attorney General to ensure that the prisoners do not face the death penalty and to facilitate their trials. The Report also mentions the Government's concern that the detainees were and are held outside any recognised legal system.

54. The Government also expressed its concerns on other matters such as the American plans to try a number of the detainees by Military Commission, including the four remaining British men. Human rights organisations have also criticised these plans. The Foreign Secretary told the House of Commons on 24 February 2004:

In July 2003, two of the detainees were designated by the United States authorities as eligible to stand trial by United States Military Commissions established to prosecute the detainees. The Government made it clear straightaway that we had concerns about the Military Commission process.

55. However, the legal vacuum surrounding the detainees presents a dilemma for states such as the United Kingdom that espouse the rule of law. Many of the detainees have been held for over two years "without charge, without access to their families, and overwhelmingly without access to legal counsel," according to Amnesty International. Human Rights Watch said in its submission: "Despite some tinkering at the edges, the detentions at Guantánamo, and the preparations for the military commissions, have trampled the most basic provisions of international law. A US federal appeal court has also been highly critical of the administration's attempt to create a legal black hole," and the US Supreme Court agreed to hear evidence about the detentions on 18 April 2004. These criticisms remain relevant even after the USA agreed to release some detainees to Spain and the United Kingdom. It was the view of Amnesty International that: "Failure to strongly criticise the situation in Guantánamo Bay, which in any sense constitutes an affront to human rights, makes the UK appear selective in its concerns."

56. The Government has defended its position on Guantánamo Bay. Mr Rammell told us:

We are in a very extraordinary situation. We are into new territory in terms of the threat we face. …[The Foreign Secretary] did make the point that detaining people in this way is not unique; it happened in this country at the outbreak of the Second World War. Nevertheless, our aim throughout has been to try and bring the process to a conclusion, either by having the people tried in the US or them being returned to the UK. We have achieved that on an individual basis in five out of the nine cases.

57. He went on: "From the beginning of this process … we have pressed the US either to bring the matter to a conclusion as quickly as possible and to try the people within Guantánamo consistent with international norms or to have them returned." The Foreign Secretary also made clear to the House of Commons that the remaining men would not face the death penalty. The Committee was able to discuss the problem with Ambassador Prosper, the US official responsible, on our recent visit to Washington DC.

58. We conclude that the release without charge of the five detainees by the British police raises major concerns about the due process of law and the detentions at Guantánamo Bay, given their incarceration for over two years without access to lawyers or any due process of law. We recommend that the Government explain why the process of repatriation took so long. We also recommend that the Government redouble its efforts to achieve due process of law for those at Guantánamo Bay for whom the British Government has accepted responsibility and do its utmost to encourage the United States to regularise the detentions according to internationally accepted standards of legal process.

JULY 2004 : FCO RESPONSE CM 6275

The Government has consistently sought to resolve the position of the British detainees. No government has worked harder in respect of its nationals held at Guantanamo Bay. British officials have visited the British detainees to check on their welfare seven times, more often than any other government has visited its nationals. We have held more and higher level talks with the US Government than any other. As has been made clear in public statements and to Parliament on a number of occasions, the Government's position has been that the British detainees should either be tried fairly in accordance with international standards or returned to the United Kingdom.

Following discussions between the Government and US Government, we came to the view that the US military commission process would not provide sufficient guarantees of a fair trial. The Government then made an unequivocal request that all nine British detainees be returned to the UK. As a result of that request, the US agreed to release five of the British detainees. They returned to the UK in March. However despite the Government's request, the US Government has so far declined to return to the UK the remaining four British detainees. We agreed with the US Government that discussions would continue on the future of the remaining four and made clear that our position remained unchanged - the detainees should either be tried fairly in accordance with international standards or be returned to the UK. As yet we have been unable to reach a conclusion with the US Administration on this matter.

During a visit by British officials to Washington towards the end of May to discuss the future of the four men, the UK position was reiterated to representatives of the US Government. The Government will continue to seek to resolve the position of the four British detainees.

Discussions between the British and US Governments about the British detainees' continued detention have included complex legal and security issues which arose from an unprecedented event - the attacks on 11 September 2001, the most appalling terrorist atrocity ever in which more than 3,000 died on the US mainland. Following the attacks, thousands of individuals believed to be Al Qa'ida or Taliban fighters, or their supporters, were detained. The vast majority were released in Afghanistan. But those whom the US deemed to pose a substantial risk were sent by the US to Guantanamo for detention and questioning about their knowledge of Al Qa'ida. These events have had a significant influence on the US position in discussions on the possible release of detainees from Guantanamo, including on the nature and length of those discussions.

2005

April 2005 : Sixth Report : Foreign Policy Aspects of the War against Terrorism

Guantánamo Bay

53. We have previously commented on the camps at Guantánamo Bay in our Report on the Annual Human Rights Report 2003 and in our series of Reports on Foreign Policy Aspects of the War against Terrorism. The United States continues to hold over 500 people in the camp of 42 different nationalities, although the last British detainees were returned to this country in January, to be released without charge by police. Administration officials told the Washington Post at the beginning of January that plans were being developed to hold detainees without trial over the long term and possibly for life.

54. Over recent months further concerns have emerged regarding the treatment of detainees. In December 2004, a leaked report from the International Committee of the Red Cross was reported to have described US interrogation methods at the camp as "tantamount to torture" and in January, under the American Freedom of Information Act, hundreds of internal documents and memos were released, which indicate systematic abuse of detainees. An anonymous FBI agent wrote in one of the papers released:

On a couple of occasions I entered interview rooms to find a detainee chained hand and foot in a foetal position to the floor, with no chair, food or water…Most times they had urinated or defecated on themselves, and had been left there for 18 to 24 hours or more.

55. The FCO's Annual Report on human rights registers the "concern in civil society, Parliament, the media and the legal profession" in the United Kingdom over the continued detentions although expressing concerns of the Government in cautious language. The FCO focuses on the position of the British detainees, of whom four remained in the camp when it was published. The Report criticises the proposed military commissions by which detainees are to be tried, stating that they "would not provide sufficient guarantees of a fair trial according to international standards", and states that the welfare of the British detainees has been a priority for the Government "from the outset". There were more welfare visits to the camp from British officials than from any other government, and the detention conditions were improved following the raising of welfare concerns by the Government at various levels.

56. In its recent Report, the Intelligence and Security Committee noted that the FCO received assurances in March 2002 from the US State Department that detainees were being treated humanely, and that "the Foreign Secretary was … satisfied with the US authorities' assurances". British intelligence personnel made several visits to the camp and after the last visit, in February 2004, the Security Service reported that the mental health of detainees was deteriorating due to the conditions under which they were being kept. These concerns were raised at a senior level with the US, by the Foreign Secretary, Home Secretary and Sir Nigel Sheinwald, the Prime Minister's Foreign Policy Adviser.

57. Amnesty and Human Rights Watch made strong criticisms of the Government and of the Annual Report for its approach to the issues of Guantánamo Bay. Amnesty called the detentions a "shocking outrage" which amounted to "cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment" and Human Rights Watch referred to the "severe trampling of process" by the US. Both groups questioned what Human Rights Watch called the "quite extraordinary", and seemingly exclusive, focus of the Government on the position of British nationals detained in the camp, regardless of the more general concern for all detainees. Human Rights Watch called this an "absolutely fundamental misunderstanding" of the issues raised by the entire regime at Guantánamo Bay, and said that for the Government to fail to understand this was "enormously worrying". Both groups expressed regret that the Government has not seen fit to make stronger criticism of the US administration over the camps. In our view, such criticism fails to take due account of the fact that the Government had particular consular responsibilities towards British citizens and that it was right to focus at first on their welfare.

58. Amnesty also raised the question of the detainees who are British residents but not British nationals, saying that the Government's diplomatic efforts had not been extended to those detainees. In November 2004, in answer to a Parliamentary Question in the House of Lords, FCO Minister of State Baroness Symons said that:

The British Government are not in a position to provide consular or diplomatic assistance to those detainees in Guantanamo Bay who are not British nationals, including those who hold refugee status and are, or were, resident in the United Kingdom.

In December, FCO Minister Chris Mullin stated that "We are aware of five former British residents also in detention [in Guantánamo Bay] but the Government is not in a position to provide consular or diplomatic assistance to them and I therefore cannot comment on their situation". This refusal by Ministers even to comment on the situation of former residents of the United Kingdom detained in Cuba has been the subject of considerable criticism.

59. Bill Rammell, Minister for Human Rights, did not accept these criticisms when we pressed him in evidence to our inquiry into the Human Rights Annual Report. He referred to the horrific events of 11 September 2001, saying that "the United States has been absolutely right to take the greatest of care with terrorist suspects" and that information obtained from detainees had "helped to protect all of us from potential further terrorist attack". Nonetheless, he stated that the Government's position had always been that the detainees should be tried according to international standards or released; he was "genuinely not aware" of any plans the US government might have to hold detainees long-term, as reported in the press. The Government had, he told us, concentrated on the position of the British detainees in its lobbying of the US Administration as it was there that the greatest pressure could be brought to bear.

60. We find that the Government's position on the detentions at Guantánamo Bay does not sit easily with its pledge in the Human Rights Annual Report to "respect, and urge others to respect, those human rights laid down in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that can never be compromised, even in states of emergency". Nor is it in line with the Annual Report's statements that "there is no excuse for the deliberate mistreatment or neglect of prisoners" and that "a government itself is bound by law and that the arbitrary exercise of power not based on law is without authority". Finally, the approach appears to conflict with the Government's striking claim in the introduction to the Annual Report to "speak loudly and clearly on the international stage" against abuses.

61. We conclude that, now that the British nationals have been released from detention at Guantánamo Bay, the Government need no longer keep its diplomacy quiet in the interests of increasing leverage over individual cases. We recommend that the Government make strong public representations to the US administration about the lack of due process and oppressive conditions in Guantánamo Bay and other detention facilities controlled by the US in foreign countries, such as Iraq and Afghanistan. We further recommend that, during the United Kingdom Presidency of the EU, the Government raise the situation at these facilities in the UN Commission for Human Rights.

JUNE 2005 : FCO RESPONSE CM 6590

The US Government and international community are well aware of the British Government's views on Guantanamo Bay, including on the question of due process and the detention conditions there. Notwithstanding the release of the British nationals detained at Guantanamo, the Government will continue to discuss questions relating to the detention of suspected terrorists with the US Government. The US Government announced at the recent Commission on Human Rights that it is discussing possible visits to Guantanamo with the UN Special Rapporteurs on torture, independence of judiciary and arbitrary detention. The US Government has made clear its intention of facilitating such visits. The Government fully supports this dialogue.

2006

February 2006 : First Report : Human Rights Annual Report 2005

Guantánamo Bay

35. Amnesty International has attacked the system of detentions at Guantánamo Bay, saying:

The detention camp at the US Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba has become a symbol of the US administration's refusal to put human rights and the rule of law at the heart of its response to the atrocities of 11 September 2001. Hundreds of people of around 35 different nationalities remain held in effect in a legal black hole, many without access to any court, legal counsel or family visits. As evidence of torture and widespread cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment mounts, it is more urgent than ever that the US Government bring the Guantánamo Bay detention camp and any other facilities it is operating outside the USA into full compliance with international law and standards. The only alternative is to close them down.

According to Human Rights Watch, detainees in Guantánamo are subjected to sleep deprivation, loud music, dietary manipulation, isolation, 'hooding', sensory deprivation, exposure to extremes of temperature, and 'water boarding', which involves the simulation of drowning. However, the US government has issued strong denials of mistreatment at the facility. The USA has also made clear that it will continue to hold detainees at Guantánamo Bay, and the US Supreme Court ruled in June 2004 that detainees had a right to appeal their detention, but that they can also be held without charge or trial. The House of Representatives Armed Services Committee has also heard evidence on the Guantánamo Bay complex, but has not opposed the prison complex's existence. In its Report last year, the Committee called on the Government to make strong representations about the abuses committed at Guantánamo Bay. The Government responded both by saying that the US authorities were familiar with the UK position and by expressing support for the negotiations between the UN Rapporteurs on Torture and the US government.

36. However, Human Rights Watch contend that "the UK government chooses to praise the US government even while it remains in blatant defiance of international law. As far as we area aware, the British government has not expressed its concerns about the US failure to provide the conditions in which rapporteurs can do their work. Instead, it has publicly 'welcomed' the alleged 'engagement', which has so far proved worthless."

37. Kate Allen of Amnesty International told the Committee, in relation to the Annual Report: "I think we have moved from commenting in that report on Guantánamo to an attempt to offer an explanation as to why Guantánamo might be necessary." She added that Amnesty International saw the Government's record on Guantánamo as "lamentable and not improving". Amnesty International also brought forward their concerns about the 210 men on hunger strike in Guantánamo Bay, and said that if diplomatic routes are not working, then the United Kingdom should take a more publicly critical stance against the detention facility.

38. The Minister for Human Rights was quick to reject these suggestions. He told us: "We made clear to the US authorities on many occasion and at every level that we regard the circumstances under which detainees are held in Guantánamo Bay as unacceptable, and the US Government knows our view on this."

39. We conclude that the continued use of Guantánamo Bay as a detention centre outside all legal regimes diminishes the USA's moral authority and is a hindrance to the effective pursuit of the war against terrorism. We recommend that the Government make loud and public its objections to the existence of such a prison regime.

MAY 2006 : FCO RESPONSE CM 6774

The Government has made clear publicly that it regards the circumstances under which detainees continue to be held in Guantanamo as unacceptable. The United States Government knows our views. As the Prime Minister said on 16 March 2006, it would be better if Guantanamo were closed. We will continue to raise our concerns about Guantanamo Bay and work with the US authorities to resolve outstanding issues.

JULY 2006 : FOURTH REPORT : FOREIGN POLICY ASPECTS OF THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM

GUANTÁNAMO BAY

32. The US government has claimed that the detention camp at Guantánamo Bay, which has been used to hold suspected al Qaeda terrorists since shortly after the attacks of 11 September 2001, plays a key role in the 'war against terrorism'. However, its existence has been extremely controversial, especially among human rights groups, many of which have condemned what they believe are extralegal detentions at the camp. Current criticism centres on the continuing detention of about 500 people, including nine individuals previously resident in the United Kingdom and one Australian citizen currently seeking British citizenship, and allegations of abuses committed at the Guantánamo Bay prison complex. The USA has made moves recently to release 140 of the detainees; in April 2006, the Pentagon announced that 141 detainees could no longer be classified as enemy combatants and would be freed. Positively, it has also now released the names of all those held at the camp.

33. Amnesty International has attacked the system of detentions, saying:

The detention camp at the US Naval Base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba has become a symbol of the US administration's refusal to put human rights and the rule of law at the heart of its response to the atrocities of 11 September 2001. Hundreds of people of around 35 different nationalities remain held in effect in a legal black hole, many without access to any court, legal counsel or family visits. As evidence of torture and widespread cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment mounts, it is more urgent than ever that the US Government bring the Guantánamo Bay detention camp and any other facilities it is operating outside the USA into full compliance with international law and standards. The only alternative is to close them down.

34. We asked Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch for evidence that torture is being used at Guantánamo Bay. Kate Allen, Director of Amnesty International UK, told us: "I think we have very strong accounts, particularly from young men from Tipton, who documented on their return to the UK what had happened to them, of being kept awake, of loud music, of threats being made to them, of being held and interrogated endlessly day after day… I think that amounts to torture." Ms Allen went on to say: "I think if you hold people incommunicado and you interrogate them endlessly day upon day, that you have extremes of temperature that are used, that you do not allow them any contact with their families, that you have loud noise playing continuously, that you threaten people in terms of their lives and their well-being, I think that adds up to torture." Steve Crawshaw, London Director at Human Rights Watch gave his perspective:

I think it is important to remember that torture is not just applying electrodes to the testicles… to put it this way, a number of the techniques that have been used have led to both self-incriminating evidence which was completely false—in other words the pressures were great enough that they confessed to things which they had not done and provably had not done—you know, having been together with Osama bin Laden at a particular time when demonstrably, and as, indeed, the British authorities later confirmed, they had actually been somewhere else. Those kinds of pressures are banned for the same reasons… [N]ot everybody has been tortured at Guantánamo. That is not the suggestion. Some people have got off relatively lightly and others have not.

35. In April 2006, Professor Philippe Sands QC told us his views on Guantánamo Bay:

I think Guantánamo should be closed down tomorrow. Guantánamo is terribly undermining of a legitimate effort to protect against a serious threat and it is being used mainly as an indication of the values that our societies purport to hold dear not being followed when their vital interests are at stake, and I think it has been terribly undermining in that sense. I recall here a statement made by the great American diplomat, George Kennan, who wrote a famous telex in 1947 from Moscow, where he was posted for the State Department, on the emergent Soviet threat, and he ended that telex by saying, "The greatest threat that can befall us as a nation is to become like those who seek to destroy us."

The recent suicide of three detainees at Guantánamo Bay has reinvigorated calls for the camp to be closed down.

36. Professor Sands told us that in his view there were only two categories into which those detained at Guantánamo might fall and that they should either be treated as Prisoners of War or as Criminals. He said that there is no third category of Illegal Combatants as the US asserts. The US view is that they are not Prisoners of War and they cannot all be treated as criminals and prosecuted with due process for practical as well as legal reasons. The USA therefore argues that there is a third category of Illegal Combatants into which those detained at Guantánamo fall and that they are entitled to detain them.

37. The USA denies allegations that it is mistreating detainees and argues that Guantánamo Bay is an important tool in the 'war against terrorism'. Speaking at Chatham House in February 2006, John Bellinger, Legal Adviser to the US Department of State, outlined the US position:

[W]e believe we have been and still are engaged in an international armed conflict with al Qaida. They have attacked our embassies, our military vessels and military bases, our capital city, and our financial center. On September 11, they killed nearly three thousand people, including 67 British nationals. The UN Security Council has reaffirmed our right of self-defense in relation to their attacks, which were planned and launched from abroad, in resolution 1373. In the context of this conflict, we believe that the appropriate legal framework for the detention and transfer of al Qaeda is the international law of war. While domestic criminal law has been used in the past to deal with terrorism, we believe that traditional systems of criminal justice, which were designed for different needs, do not adequately address the threat posed by this enemy, which continues to plan and launch attacks of a magnitude and sophistication previously achievable only by organized states.

Mr Bellinger went on to set out the USA's position on torture:

"In its activities relating to detainees, the United States Government complies with its Constitution, its laws, and its treaty obligations. We have made clear our position on torture: U.S. criminal law and treaty obligations prohibit torture, and United States policy is not to engage or condone torture anywhere… Where there have been cases of unlawful treatment of detainees, the U.S. has vigorously investigated and, where the facts have warranted it, prosecuted and punished those responsible."

38. During her visit to Blackburn on 1 April 2006, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice spelled out the difficulties that the USA faces over what to do with suspects captured in Afghanistan and elsewhere. She also reiterated the point that Guantánamo Bay is a US response to the very real threat posed by international terrorism:

[W]e have to recognize that Guantanamo is there for a reason. It's there because we captured people on battlefields, particularly in Afghanistan but sometimes, frankly, on the battlefields of our own democratic societies, who were either plotting or planning or actively engaged in terrorist activities. And we have released hundreds of people from Guantanamo. It is not as if everybody who was in Guantanamo on October 1st, 2001 or January 1st, 2002 is still in Guantanamo. We have gone out of our way to try to release people. We've released British citizens back to Great Britain. We've done that with many different countries. But there are some people who cannot either be safely be released to their countries or certainly safely released, and there are people for whom the value of the information that they have is still relevant to the fight against terror.

39. The British Government has been criticised for its reticence to criticise loudly the Guantánamo Bay camp. In evidence to this Committee, Human Rights Watch said: "the UK government chooses to praise the US government even while it remains in blatant defiance of international law. As far as we are aware, the British government has not expressed its concerns about the US failure to provide the conditions in which rapporteurs can do their work. Instead, it has publicly 'welcomed' the alleged 'engagement', which has so far proved worthless." For its part, Amnesty International has described the United Kingdom's role on Guantánamo as "lamentable and not improving" since "we have moved from commenting…on Guantánamo to an attempt to offer an explanation as to why Guantánamo might be necessary."

40. The last Report in this inquiry called on the Government to make strong representations about the complex. The Government responded by saying that the US authorities were familiar with the British position. In a previous Human Rights Report, we noted the oppressive conditions and mistreatment at Guantánamo Bay and the USA's strong denial of mistreatment at the facility as well as its determination to continue to hold detainees there. The Report also noted criticisms of the Government's failure to engage seriously with the USA on these points as well as calls by international human rights groups for the Government to take a more publicly critical stance. Ian Pearson, the then Minister for Human Rights, was quick to reject these suggestions, telling the Committee: "We made clear to the US authorities on many occasions and at every level that we regard the circumstances under which detainees are held in Guantánamo Bay as unacceptable, and the US Government knows our view on this." Notwithstanding the Minister's comments, we concluded that the continued use of Guantánamo Bay as a detention centre outside all legal regimes diminishes the USA's moral authority and is a hindrance to the effective pursuit of the 'war against terrorism'. We recommended that the Government make "loud and public" its objections to such a prison regime.

41. The Committee's concerns were echoed by a UN report released in February 2006, which called for the closure of Guantánamo Bay as soon as possible. Among its conclusions, the Report says:

Terrorism suspects should be detained in accordance with criminal procedure that respects the safeguards enshrined in relevant international law. Accordingly, the United States Government should either expeditiously bring all Guantánamo Bay detainees to trial, in compliance with articles 9(3) and 14 of ICCPR, or release them without further delay. Consideration should also be given to trying suspected terrorists before a competent international tribunal.

The White House dismissed the report as "a discredit to the UN", because investigators did not travel to the camp. "[The Unedited Report] selectively includes only those factual assertions needed to support those conclusions and ignores other facts that would undermine those conclusions. As a result we categorically object to most of the Unedited Report's content and conclusions as largely without merit and not based clearly in the facts." In response, the investigators said they rejected an offer to go to the prison complex because they would not have been allowed to meet the prisoners.

42. Recently, the British Government has edged towards a more critical public stance on Guantánamo Bay. In the wake of the UN report, Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain said that he would prefer to see the camp closed. The Prime Minister, who had previously referred to the prison complex as an "anomaly" that should be dealt with "sooner or later", went further when he said on 17 March 2006 that it would be better if it were closed. We asked the former Foreign Secretary Jack Straw about Guantánamo Bay just two days before this, and he told us:

On Guantánamo Bay…it is an anomaly which, as the Prime Minister said, will come to an end and should come to an end sooner or later, we all hope sooner. The American Government is aware of that and it is working on it, but again I simply, at the risk of repetition, say that they have practical problems. On the issue of damage to the United States' reputation, I think views vary but it is just worth bearing in mind that the September 11 terrorist atrocities actually happened and they were not caused by the CIA or Mossad but by al Qaeda.

43. He went on to explain that the USA's attempts to close Guantánamo Bay had slowed because:

[T]he problem they face is what to do with these individuals, which countries they go back to. In the case of British citizens, it would be straightforward, we would have them back here. I was able to negotiate that, and that has been true for citizens of a number of other countries, but their concern is that quite a number of these are Afghans. Do they go back to Afghanistan? Some are Pakistanis. Do they go back to other countries? In what circumstances can they transfer them? There is a process taking place.

Notwithstanding the practical difficulties of closing the camp, the right to a free and fair trial is enshrined in international instruments to which the USA and United Kingdom are party, such as the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

44. We also asked Mr Straw why the Government had not made loud and public its opposition to the prison regime, and he said:

I talk about the issue quite regularly to my American counterparts. They are also well aware of opinion around the world and in the United States on it, but they have just got practical problems they have got to deal with, and if we were in that situation we would have a practical problem, too. I do just say that if September 11 had happened in this country rather than the United States, it would have changed our politics and security parameters just as it has changed the Americans. It just would have done.

In its response to our annual Report on Human Rights, the FCO went further than in previous exchanges with the Committee when it stated that the Government:

has made clear publicly that it regards the circumstances under which detainees continue to be held in Guantanamo as unacceptable. The United States Government knows our views. As the Prime Minister said on 16 March 2006, it would be better if Guantanamo were closed. We will continue to raise our concerns about Guantanamo Bay and work with the US authorities to resolve outstanding issues.

45. We note that in a speech to the Royal United Services Institute the Attorney-General described not just the circumstances but the very existence of the camp at Guantánamo as "unacceptable", although he was careful to say that this was his personal opinion. He called for the camp to be closed down:

Not only would it, in my personal opinion, be right to close Guantanamo as a matter of principle, I believe it would also help to remove what has become a symbol to many—right or wrong—of injustice. The historic tradition of the United States as a beacon of freedom, liberty and of justice deserves the removal of this symbol.

On 15 June 2006, during a debate on the Committee's Report on Human Rights, Minister for Trade and Human Rights Ian McCartney told the House:

We have long made it clear that we regard the circumstances under which detainees continue to be held at Guantánamo Bay as unacceptable. The US Government know our views, which we have reiterated to them. As the Prime Minister has said, it would be better if Guantánamo were closed. We have also heard the public remarks of the Attorney-General and the Lord Chancellor. We raise those concerns in our regular discussions on detainee-related issues with the US Government. I give my hon. Friends the commitment that we will continue to do so.

Pressed by the Chairman on whether Guantánamo Bay is unacceptable and should be closed, the Minister added: "Yes, that is what has been said. Furthermore, that is what I believe." On 19 May 2006, the UN Committee against Torture added its voice to those calling for the closure of the camp.

46. We acknowledge that there is a problem of what to do with some of the detainees at Guantánamo and that those detained include some very dangerous terrorists. We also conclude that the continuing existence of Guantánamo diminishes US moral authority and adds to the list of grievances against the US. We further conclude that detentions without either national or international authority work against British as well as US interests and hinder the effective pursuit of the 'war against terrorism'. We conclude that those who can be reasonably safely released should be released, those who can be prosecuted as criminals should be prosecuted and that as many others as possible should be returned to their countries of citizenship. We commend the British Government for its policy of urging the US government to move towards closing Guantánamo.

SEPTEMBER 2006 : FCO RESPONSE CM 6905

10. The Government welcomes the US Administration's public indications of its desire to see the number of detainees at Guantánamo Bay reduced or the detention facilities at Guantánamo Bay closed down altogether. But the Government agrees that careful consideration needs to be given to how the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay should be closed so that international security is maintained and the human rights of detainees are respected if returned to their countries of citizenship. On 29 June the US Supreme Court gave judgment in the case of Salim Hamdan v. Donald Rumsfeld et al. The Court held that the Military Commissions, which had been established to try certain detainees at Guantánamo Bay, did not comply with either US or relevant international humanitarian law. The US Administration I still considering how to respond to the Hamdan decision although it has promised to respect the Court's decision and produce new legislation aimed at bringing the military commission process more into line with US and international law. We expect the new legislation to be presented to Congress by the Autumn.

11. The Government continues to discuss detainee related issues, including Guantánamo Bay, regularly with the US Administration and seeks to ensure that the handling of detainees is consistent with the British Government's other objectives. These objectives include preventing further terrorist attacks, undermining the work of those who recruit terrorists, and upholding respect for human rights and the rule of law.


 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2007
Prepared 21 January 2007