2-Letter to the Clerk of the Committee
from the Parliamentary Relations and Devolution Team, Foreign
and Commonwealth Office
FURTHER INFORMATION ON FCO INITIAL RESPONSE
TO THE FAC REPORT ON EAST ASIA
I refer to your letter dated 3 November outlining
the Committee's request for further information from the FCO.
I hope this letter fully answers your questions
(reproduced in bold).
The FCO stated in its response that the EU
is developing a co-ordinated and coherent approach to emerging
security challenges in East Asia, through strategic dialogues
with key regional players. Would the FCO please provide greater
detail on the structure of the approach and outline recent developments
in the strategic dialogues?
The EU Member States are working to develop
a common analysis of the opportunities and risks for EU interests
that flow from the changes currently underway in East Asia. This
analysis provides a platform for a more co-ordinated and coherent
approach to emerging security challenges. The EU is seeking to
develop a stronger voice on strategic regional issues, and has
sent clear common messages in response to recent developments;
for example, welcoming the agreement on additional direct cross-Strait
passenger flights during holiday periods, and condemnation of
recent DPRK missile and nuclear tests.
The EU's approach to emerging security challenges
is informed by its dialogues with key regional partners The EU
has strategic dialogues with China, Japan and the US which provide
an opportunity to discuss strategic regional issues. These dialogues
take the form of regular meetings and Summits.
The latest Summit to take place within these
strategic dialogues was the EU-China Summit, which took place
in Helsinki on 9 September. The Joint Statement issued at the
Summit welcomed the dialogue as "a valuable tool in the frank
and in-depth discussions of important international and regional
issues". The EU and China also reaffirmed their "strong
commitment to work towards lasting peace and stability on the
Korean Peninsula, including the peaceful resolution of the North
Korean nuclear issue", and expressed their "grave concern"
over North Korea's multiple missile launches in July.
Japan and the EU and the US and the EU have
since 2005 engaged in regular strategic dialogue talks. These
Summits and dialogues have stressed, among other issues, the importance
of having China as a responsible and constructive partner in the
region and international community. They have also called for
an early resumption of the Six Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear
programme and urged the DPRK to abandon nuclear weapons. The 15th
EU-Japan Summit was held in April 2006, and the next one will
be held in the first half of 2007. The next EU-US Summit is due
to take place in the first half of 2007.
In relation to the EU's approach to emerging
security challenges in East Asia, what are the chief areas of
interest for the UK? Do other EU member states share the same
concerns about strategic developments in Asia? If not, what might
be their priority areas?
It is in the UK's direct interests to seek to
promote harmonious and co-operative relations among the key players
in East Asia. The chief aims are, therefore, to encourage peaceful,
co-operative and pragmatic solutions to territorial, resource
and other disputes in the region; to promote cultural and civil
society exchanges as a cornerstone of mutual understanding; to
encourage greater military transparency and co-operation between
regional players; to discourage military build-up; to counter
regional weapons proliferation, where this could heighten tensions;
and to promote effective regional multilateralism.
Specific areas of focus within this framework
include urging the full and verifiable dismantling of the North
Korean nuclear programme through the Six Party Talks process;
the promotion of cross-Strait confidence building measures; and
the peaceful, long-term resolution of the dispute across the Taiwan
straits.
Member States share many common interests in
seeking to preserve peace, and to strengthen stability and security
in East Asia. There exists, therefore, a broad congruence between
the UK and our EU partners in the assessment of strategic developments
in the region. This is reflected in the 9 September 2006 EU-China
Joint Declaration issued following the Helsinki Summit and agreed
by all members of the EU.
Is the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation
(SCO) seeking to weaken western influence in Central Asia, and
how successful has it been at doing so to date? How is the UK
seeking to engage with the SCO, or to counteract any efforts to
reduce western influence in the region?
The SCO is a young organisation, and is still
in the process of defining its full role and objectives. Some
of its agenda, such as counter-narcotics, is directly consistent
with UK interests and objectives in the region. There are other
elements that could develop in ways that are less desirable. But,
on balance, the opportunity to obtain better insight into their
objectives and activities, points towards increased engagement.
The SCO was established in June 2001, with a
membership of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan, growing out of the Shanghai Five, which had been
formed by China in 1996. Uzbekistan joined the Shanghai Five in
2000 as an observer, at which point the organisation's name was
changed briefly to the Shanghai Forum. Mongolia was accorded observer
status in 2004 and India, Pakistan and Iran in 2005.
In recent years, the SCO's focus has moved well
beyond the Shanghai Five's original task of promoting border demarcation,
cross-border security and confidence building. Its activities
now encompass a broad and ambitious agenda for security and economic
co-operation. The SCO's primary emphasis is placed on joint efforts
to combat what the organisation describes as the inter-linked
"evils" of separatism, terrorism and extremism in all
their forms, and to tackle their perceived root causes (in particular
socio-economic problems in Central Asia). Energy co-operation
among the SCO member states also appears to be commanding greater
attention of late, with the Organisation considering the formation
of an energy "club" involving member states and observers.
At its Astana Summit in July 2005 the SCO called
for a deadline to be set for the withdrawal of US military bases
in SCO territory. Prior to the Summit Presidents Hu and Putin
issued a Joint Declaration which put forward a vision of "International
Order in the 21st Century" based on non-interference, multipolarity
and mutual respect. Such developments have been held up by some
commentators as evidence of an undeclared agenda to reduce Western
influence in the region, an accusation firmly refuted by the SCO.
The future direction in which this organisation
will evolve remains to be seen, but we recognise the steps that
the SCO has taken so far to enhance regional co-operation on border
demarcation, trade, energy, and counter terrorism. We continue
to engage with the SCO and its members through our network of
Posts. As set out in the FCO Command Paper, we engage with key
interlocutors in government and across all sectors to ensure the
continuity of our messages on democratic reform, good governance
and stability in Central Asia.
In its response the FCO stated that it would
raise the Committee's ideas for improving the EU-China human rights
dialogue with its EU partners. Has the FCO yet done so and if
so what has been the outcome?
We raised the Committee's ideas at the meeting
of the Council's working group on human rights on 29 November.
Member states took note but as there was little time available
for discussion we undertook to follow up in writing, inviting
their comments. We will provide the FAC with feedback before 18
December on the responses received.
The FCO stated in its response that the UK
continued to seek visa free access for British Nationals (Overseas)
passport holders to the Schengen area, and in a letter dated 4
October 2006 commented that the European Commission had proposed
a revisal of the common visa list. Can the FCO please provide
an update on the progress of discussions regarding British Nationals
(Overseas), particularly in reference to passport holders from
Hong Kong?
Both the FCO and the Home Office have argued
over a number of years that British National (Overseas) passport
holders (BN(O)s) should not require visas to enter the Schengen
area, and that they should be added to Annex II (Visa Not Required)
of the Common Visa List.
The decision in 2001 to grant visa free access
to holders of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) passports,
the majority of whom are also eligible for British Nationals (Overseas)
passports, made it particularly important to resolve what is a
clear anomaly.
The Commission was first tasked with putting
forward a proposal covering British Nationals (Overseas) in November
2002. Progress since then has been frustratingly slow. When Jack
Straw was Foreign Secretary, he wrote to the European Commission
and EU colleagues arguing that British Nationals (Overseas) passport
holders should be granted visa free access to the Schengen area.
We therefore very much welcomed the Commission proposal in July
2006, following its review of the Common Visa List Regulation,
to add British Nationals (Overseas) to the "visa not required"
list.
EU Member States are still negotiating the final
text of the revised Common Visa List, which is likely to be adopted
at the Justice and Home Affairs Council on 4-5 December. While
we are not able to give details of ongoing negotiations, we are
optimistic that one of the outcomes will be visa free access for
British Nationals (Overseas).
Richard Cooke
Head
Parliamentary Relations and Devolution Team
4 December 2006
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