Written evidence submitted by Dr Hugo
Gorringe, University of Edinburgh
THE POSITION OF DALITS (EX-UNTOUCHABLES/SCHEDULED
CASTES)
WHO ARE
THE DALITS?
"Untouchables" are those at the foot
of the caste hierarchy. Condemned to perform the most menial and
degrading jobs they are considered to be carriers of pollution
and, therefore, "untouchable". Untouchables have historically
been denied the opportunity to identify themselves or mobilise
for change. Dispersed, divided and dominated by higher castes
they have been identified, organized and acted on by others. Even
the socially revolutionary promises of the Indian Constitution
in 1950 which rendered untouchability a punishable offence and
instituted affirmative action programmes to offset inequalities
have been unable to eradicate untouchability in practice. Since
the 1970s, therefore, Scheduled Caste (SC—referring to the
list of castes eligible for state benefits) groups have mobilized
to challenge caste discrimination directly.
From the 1970's, a significant aspect of this
struggle has been the rejection of imposed labels and the adoption
of the term "Dalit"—a Marathi word meaning "downtrodden"—in
a spirit of pride and militancy (see Zelliot 1996: 267). Not all
ex-Untouchables use the term but I do both for simplicity and
because activists perceived other epithets to be demeaning. SCs
constitute 16.48% of the Indian population, but they are not a
homogeneous group. Dalits are splintered along lines of caste,
class and region and some Dalit castes have achieved significant
degrees of social mobility whereas others continue to be regarded
as degraded and polluted.
CASTE: CONTINUITY
AND CHANGE
To suggest that nothing has changed since Independence
would be ridiculous. The Constitution has undermined the legitimacy
of caste and provided the oppressed with the institutional means
to challenge their subordinate status. The capitalisation and
liberalisation of the economy, in conjunction with the reservations
system, has combined to reduce the association between occupations
and caste status even though kinship and caste networks still
influence the allocation of social goods such as housing, employment
and education. Even where demeaning forms of labour persist, however,
payment in cash has largely meant that contractual exchanges are
divorced from the connotations of purity and impurity. Finally,
political legislation has guaranteed parliamentary representation
for the SCs although the effectiveness of this representation
is subject to question. For purposes of this brief report I will
focus on three key areas of interaction: political, social and
economic.
Politics
In formal, legal terms Dalits are equal citizens
with the entitlement to affirmative action programmes which are
designed to offset the legacies of caste inequality. Government
jobs and places in educational institutions (as from late 2006
this applies to both public and private institutions) are "reserved"
for Dalits in proportion to their percentage of the population.
These measures have begun to erode the close correlation between
caste and class status, but the structure of reservations is more
impressive than the effects on the ground. Dalits are still disproportionately
represented in the lowest rungs of government service (cleaners,
sweepers, clerks etc) and relatively absent in more prestigious
bureaucratic and administrative posts. There is also a perennial
concern that the benefits of affirmative action are monopolised
by a privileged minority within the Dalit castes. Introducing
a financial component into the reservations, therefore, could
help distribute the advantages to a wider pool of people.
Caste has been increasingly politicised over
the past two decades and caste concerns inform political debate
and competition. One upshot of this is that new forms of caste
discrimination have emerged in the political field: Dalits may
be threatened, beaten or isolated if they vote for an autonomous
Dalit candidate for example. Whilst there are laws prohibiting
caste discrimination, these are not thoroughly enforced. Only
a tiny percentage of cases registered under the Untouchability
(Prevention Of) Offences Act actually result in convictions.
Two of the most contentious issues in India
today are reservations and representation. Thus, riots
erupted in protest against the extension of reservations to Private
Higher Educational Institutions. Upper caste youth argue that
reservations penalise them for the sins of their ancestors. Since
1980 affirmative action has been expanded to include not only
Scheduled Castes and tribes, but also those classified as Backward,
Most Backwards and Other Backward Castes. The anti-reservation
protests need to be understood in this context. The Government
appointed Mandal Commission, however, concluded that caste continued
to be a determinant of social mobility and argued for its retention
as a basis for redistribution.
The issue of representation highlights the partial
nature of political reforms. Whilst 15% of constituencies are
set aside for SC candidates, SCs do not constitute a majority
in any constituency. Studies have repeatedly shown that "ordinary"
Dalits regard Dalit political representatives as pawns. Since
the 1970s this has prompted an upsurge in autonomous Dalit mobilisation
which has increased the number of people prepared to vote in elections
and taken Dalit parties to power in the key state of Uttar Pradesh.
Dalit mobilisation, thus, is both a sign of democratisation and
an indication of unfulfilled promises.
Social
Equality in the political realm, however, is
only slowly filtering down to everyday practice. Caste relations
are negotiated at the local level and it is in villages and towns
across rural India that the residual practices of Untouchability
are most keenly felt. The political assertion of Dalits has sparked
a backlash from those above them in the caste hierarchy which
has resulted in violent acts of repression and the imposition
of social boycotts (when Dalits are denied work, access to shops
and to common resources), intimidated, beaten and killed simply
because they come from a Scheduled Caste. Whilst inequalities
in access to resources means that the position of rural Dalits
is particularly vulnerable, this does not mean that Dalits are
able to escape caste discrimination within the urban environment.
Caste violence is particularly prominent amongst
the most vulnerable and impoverished groups. There is a pressing
need, therefore, for initiatives that challenge the means by which
caste dominance is institutionalised and act to reduce Dalit dependency.
Institutional reform on its own, however, cannot eradicate deep-rooted
social stratification. Rather, there is a need for arenas in which
people from differing communities can intermingle so as to confront
the stereotypes that facilitate the resort to force.
A recent case from Tamilnadu (southernmost state
in India) illustrates this point.[5]
Although several panchayats were reserved for Dalit candidates
by the Legislative assembly, social pressures and threats against
Dalits meant that the seats remained unfilled for over a decade.
It was only when there was active political intervention and dialogue
that the impasse was overcome. It is clear that the discourse
of caste can alienate non-Dalit groups. Where efforts are taken
to engage members of the entire village, however, then advances
are possible (but see section on economics).
Such interaction is particularly urgent in those
states (Bihar and Tamilnadu for example) where the epistemic violence
of caste practices has created an atmosphere in which violence
is privileged as the pre-eminent solution to social issues. The
Melavalavu massacre provides ample evidence of the insecurity
of legislative intervention in the local, face-to-face communities
where issues of caste pride and honour are most at stake.[6]
Rather than railing against the senselessness of caste violence,
however, this approach suggests that small steps at an early stage
might diffuse the tension: ensuring, for example, that the police
force does not reflect the local caste composition would allow
for a neutral arbiter, and training police personnel in peaceful
crowd control could minimise violence at demonstrations. Land
reforms (if enacted), and the provision of non-agricultural rural
industries, could also undermine the material basis of caste pride
and exclusivity.
Economics
Whilst a significant minority of Dalits have
benefited from reservations and alterations to the employment
structure, the vast majority of Dalits still work as unskilled
manual labourers, mostly in the agricultural sector. Landless
agricultural labourers are subject to the vagaries of the weather,
crop prices and increasing industrialisation of agriculture. The
marginalisation of Dalits in the Indian economy leads Mendelsohn
and Vicziany (1998) to speak of a new class of proletarian labourers
existing on the peripheries of society. Caste continues to inform
the processes by which recruitment and appointments are made.
These informal networks have been referred to as "the hidden
reservations" of higher caste groups.
Access to caste neutral jobs and free schooling
has begun to erode the basis of caste dominance, but rural Dalits
can still be denied access to basic resources and amenities because
of inequalities on control over resources in rural areas.
Religion
Given the current focus on religious conversions
(especially to Buddhism)—as 2006 is the 50th anniversary
of Ambedkar's (the foremost Dalit leader of the 20th Century,
the first Law Minister of India and Chairman of the panel that
drafted the Constitution) conversion—a brief word is in
order. Whilst significant numbers of Dalits have opted to convert
to more egalitarian religions (especially Buddhism, Christianity,
and Islam) it is clear that conversion alone does not alter the
material conditions of Untouchability. Dalits continue to face
discrimination from upper castes within and without their new
religious communities. It is in recognition of this fact that
Christian and Muslim Dalits have agitated for reservations to
be extended to them. Buddhist Dalits are entitled to reservations.
The main virtues of conversion, thus, are not
material but psychological. Converts speak of a sense of release
and freedom from the stigma and degradation attached to Untouchability.
Conversion has emboldened Dalits to renounce the caste practices
traditionally associated with Untouchability or to revalue them
and demand equal pay for equal work. Eschewing Hinduism is also
a key means of voicing opposition to the caste system.
Overview
Huge strides have been made since Independence,
but much remains to be done. Political and legal structures remain
meaningless until they are implemented and inform interactions
at the ground level. Dalits continue to face repression and violence.
This oppression is not the "traditional" ostracism of
a supposedly impure group. Caste violence now is bound up with
political competition and struggles over resources.
Hugo Gorringe is a lecturer in Sociology at
the University of Edinburgh. He researches and writes on Dalit
politics and the reproduction caste inequalities in India. Publications
include: Untouchable Citizens: The Dalit Panthers and Democratisation
in Tamilnadu, New Delhi, Sage (2005); "Banal Violence?
The everyday Underpinnings of Collective Violence" in Identities:
Global Studies in Culture and Power 13(2): pp 237-60 (2006);
"You Build Your House, we'll build ours": The Attractions
and Pitfalls of Identity Politics', in Social Identities, 11(6):
pp 653-672 (2005); "Which is Violence? Reflections on Violence
and Social Movement Activity", in Social Movement Studies
5(2): pp 117-136 (2006).
Dr Hugo Gorringe
October 2006
5 See: http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20061103003813200.htm Back
6
See Gorringe (2005) for details. Back
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