Select Committee on Home Affairs First Special Report



B: Letter received from Franco Frattini, Vice President of the European Commission, to David Winnick MP, as acting Chairman of the Committee.

I was grateful to receive a copy of your report, Justice and Home Affairs Issues at European Union Level. I welcome the scrutiny of EU Issues by your committee, which compliments the work of the Commons European Scrutiny Committee, and the relevant Sub Committees of the House of Lords.

The European Commission must be accountable to citizens. I am pleased that your report covered such a wide range of Justice and Home Affairs issues including police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters, data exchange and data protection, borders and migration. These are all of central concern to EU citizens. I will focus here on two issues you raised—institutional changes and national parliamentary scrutiny of EU business—especially in light of the June 2007 European Council.

EU level action must add value. The Commission is guided by the principles of proportionality and subsidiarity in all its actions. We agree with you that EU action must be based on evidence that it would make a real practical difference to the common challenges we face. In Justice and Home Affairs there has been much progress in working towards making the EU 'a unique area of freedom, security and justice' as set out by EU leaders in the summit in Tampere, Finland in 1999 and The Hague Programme.

The EU must deliver for citizens. To do this we need the correct institutional set-up. I welcome EU leaders' agreement to an intergovernmental conference to agree the text for a new treaty. This must end the uncertainty over the European Union's Treaty reform. In Justice and Home Affairs there has been stalemate over too many policies especially in the area of police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters [the so-called third pillar]. Uncertainty is in no-one's interest, including UK citizens.

On institutional change, you expressed particular concerns about incorporating EU action into UK law [through secondary legislation only], moving away from the third-pillar and the proliferation of 'informal decision-making structures', citing the example of the Prüm Treaty. The first point is for the UK. I will set out the Commission's position on the last two—why we welcome and support the European Council conclusions.

The abolition of the three pillars structure agreed by European leaders in June will end the artificial divide between different parts of justice and home affairs work. EU leaders agreed to "communitarise" almost all justice and home affairs policies. This will mean quicker, more transparent and accountable decisions for EU citizens.

The extension of the codecision procedure (Member States to agree by Qualified Majority Voting and a bigger role for the European Parliament as co-legislator), for police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters, will help end the stalemate in third pillar areas. Police co-operation, prevention of organised crime and judicial co-operation in criminal matters are all subject to this stalemate. Yes, we made commendable progress with the European Arrest Warrant, which is often cited as the example of EU agreement on legislation in the Third Pillar. However the timing of the European Arrest Warrant, adopted very shortly after the 2001 terrorist attacks in Washington and New York, must be acknowledged. Moreover it is the only example we have of legislation being enacted quickly. The delays with a similar piece of legislation—the European Evidence Warrant (parts of which are necessary to benefit from the European Arrest Warrant)—must not be overlooked. The European Evidence Warrant provides a more realistic picture of the delays and blockages which we experience too often in police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters. Practical police operations and judicial co-operation therefore take place in a legal vacuum. The move to extend the codecision procedure will enable us to provide the required certainty for necessary cross border operations which benefit citizens in the UK and the rest of the EU. The UK secured an extension of its opt-in previously agreed for migration, asylum and immigration issues. The UK can opt in on individual measures. This will enable the UK to act in accordance with the British interest. I hope the UK will work with us and participate to advance UK, and the rest of the EU's, interests.

EU leaders agreed to make 'enhanced co-operation' more effective. Through this, a minimum of nine Member States will be able to move forward and adopt legislation. I do not like the idea of a two speed Europe; you also express concern. But I like even less to see work blocked due to one or two Member States who oppose the wishes of the majority. Of course Member States wish safeguards, which will remain for Member States' Governments. We see this in the most sensitive areas, such as police co-operation. Unanimity will be maintained for operational actions. Governments will be able to use an 'emergency brake' if they have major objections, for points of national sovereignty. This emergency brake will bring issues to the attention of EU leaders. But an emergency brake must not be a way to block a decision. It will suspend it for high level discussion in the European Council, for a while.

You express concern about the proliferation of 'informal decision making structures' such as Prüm. In an enlarged EU we must work together. Member States cannot view the EU as an à la carte menu from which they can pick and choose. If they do we will likely see the proliferation about which you have concerns as Member States which wish to see specific further measures implemented press ahead. However we need to ensure convergence among the different forms of co-operation. We must consider how we make shared interest or regional mechanisms compatible with EC/EU law. Such developments must compliment the EU framework not challenge or seek to replace it.

The Court of Justice will become fully competent in all justice, freedom and security areas. This is a major improvement which has important consequences. I have concerns about poor national implementation of decisions previously agreed by EU leaders. These changes will help national courts to get the support of the European Court of Justice when having to apply or to interpret matters of EU law. This dialogue between EU and national jurisdictions is of the utmost importance in bringing the EU closer to citizens. But these changes will also help ensure a better application of EU legislation at national level as those Member States failing to transpose or incorrectly transposing texts could be brought before the Court of Justice in the future. This is essential to ensure that EU law does not remain virtual and is effectively implemented by Member States. What is the purpose of having adopted the European arrest warrant for facilitating the surrender of criminals and terrorists throughout Europe if some Member States are still lacking in ensuring the legal transposition? Why, having agreed to a common definition of terrorist acts, do divergent approaches remain?

Turning to Parliamentary scrutiny, I welcome the agreement to enhance the role of the European Parliament and National Parliaments. National Parliaments will now have eight weeks (previously six) to scrutinise Commission proposals. If a majority of National Parliaments opposes an initiative they can ask the Commission to reconsider or revise it. These measures give real power to national parliaments. It is important that we all work together for the benefit of EU citizens. I welcome your desire to work closely with other committees in the UK and at EU level—such as the LIBE committee, with whom I frequently discuss issues both formally and informally. I also am pleased that officials in my Directorate General are asked to provide evidence to your and other UK Parliamentary committees. This interaction is essential for accountability to the public.

Brussels, 27 July 2007


 
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