32. Memorandum submitted by
Superintendent Leroy Logan MBE
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Firstly, I would like to thank the HAC
for the invitation to submit written and oral evidence on such
a critical issue. I know that some members of the current HAC
will be familiar with my unique perspective, approach and delivery
of youth capacity building and self empowerment programmes, and
I am appreciative of the awards received and the Commendation
from the Metropolitan Police Commissioner for my work. More importantly,
I have been working with other change agents to divert young people
from anti-social behaviour and criminal activity, and we have
achieved some encouraging results through a holistic partnership
approach with a relevant and real message that young people can
relate to and apply to their daily lives.
1.2 As a black man of Jamaican heritage
born and bred in London over 50 years ago, I am able to use my
shared and common experience to give young people opportunities
to reassess their beliefs, values and views that shape the attitudes
of their families, communities and environment; which in turn
shapes their perceptions of the different opinion formers and
figures of authority. I am also calling on my experience of over
20 years of operational policing in the London area as a uniformed
officer, a third of which has been in the borough of Hackney,
and the learning captured from the numerous partnerships I have
forged with statutory and voluntary agencies; as well as numerous
communities and individuals.
1.3 I must emphasise that not all of my
personal perspectives in this paper reflects MPS policy. Therefore,
I ask that you seek my advice beforehand, should any points require
clarification in order that we prevent quotes being taken out
of perspective, which may have a detrimental effect on the reputation
of the MPS. Any data presented is put forward with the best of
intention that it was accurate at the time of publishing this
document.
1.4 I am adopting the HAC's definition of
black in accordance with the Youth Justice Board categorisation
for England and Wales.
2. BACKGROUND
2.1 I do not think I would be doing this
subject justice if I did not bring in the historical perspective
of how black communities were established in the 1950s and their
emergence through significant historical events over the past
50 years. I am also bound to consider whether every opportunity
was taken to prevent deep set suspicions and sometimes hatred
for statutory agencies, in particular those within the criminal
justice system (CJS).
2.2 It is a well-documented and historic
fact the first settlers in post war Britain from the Caribbean
were not embraced in the same way they were invited to assist
in the war effort during the 1940s. These pioneers were forced
into ghettos because of racial prejudices and restrictive access
to accommodation, resulting in them being stacked in deprived
areas where schools were substandard, employment opportunities
were minimal and long term prospects to hold together the family
unit were restricted. It was at this early stage that black people
started to perceive that they were over policed as potential
suspects and under protected as potential victims. It was
also a significant point of policing multicultural Britain where
there was a consistent manifestation of prejudice with power (police
legal authority) leading to racism, in particular through the
misuse of the "Sus" law (Section 4 & 6 of the Vagrancy
Act 1824). The law caused much discontent and was abolished following
riots in Saint Pauls, Bristol, in 1980 and in Brixton, London
and Toxteth, Liverpool in 1981, because its abuse was believed
to be a contributory factor to these events.
2.3 Also there was a strong perception that
policing was the tool of political intent as a means of restricting
racial development and, ultimately, discouraging integration and
cohesion. For example, politicians actively discouraged police
applications from black candidates because they were not suited
to the profession; a form of colour bar captured in parliamentary
Hansard reports in the early 1960s. Despite this political/institutional
opposition the first Caribbean officer, Norwell Roberts, joined
the MPS in 1967. Norwell endured disgraceful acts of overt racism
from his colleagues who generated the chill factor of the so called
"canteen culture". What signal did that send to the
wider black public about police legitimacy? It obviously reinforced
their suspicions of police attitudes towards black people, ie
if they could treat a black colleague with such contempt, what
treatment could people from the black community expect? Therefore
other cases, proved in the courts or tribunals, of inequalities
in the police service across the country under the media spotlight
have continually reinforced black people's suspicions.
2.4 Subsequently through the formation of
the Metropolitan Black Police Association (MBPA) in 1994, the
MPS finally acknowledged publicly the inextricable link between
community perceptions and internal staff culture; because if you
treat your diverse personnel right the organisation is better
equipped to serve and meet the needs of the diverse communities
of London. Thus enhancing community trust and confidence as well
as informing police service delivery. As a founder member of the
MBPA I know it was down to the persuasive powers and the strong
business case of the Executive, put to a more accountable organisation.
The MBPA has gone onto developing an award winning youth leadership
programme, with a particular focus on young black people to counteract
the growing perceptions they have of the CJS, which they believe
is made up of institutionally racist organisations.
2.5 I know from personal experience as a
young man in the 1960s and 70s, I was in fear of the police focusing
their efforts at known areas were young black people would gather,
such as record stores and barber shops; a cultural transference
from the Caribbean. I also experienced members of my family returning
to Jamaica because they felt they were being criminalised by structural
inequalities eg the disproportionate use of the "Sus"
Law, because they were disproportionately being charged and convicted
in the courts which automatically put them at a disadvantage in
the development of themselves, their families and the wider community
in which they live.
2.6 I learned very quickly from my parents
and my peers that groups of black youth in public places, innocent
or not, gave police there own reasonable grounds to suspect that
some form of criminality was or about to take place, and give
cause to be searched and/or arrested, whether a crime was committed
or not. Even in private functions, in particular house parties,
black people perceived police were targeting them because of the
nature of the music and their consistent suspicion of black people,
perpetuated by an ignorance of the Caribbean culture. Those who
were the victims of such police tactics and remained in London
held bitter resentments, which they invariably put behind them
in most cases but it still influenced the perceptions of future
generations.
2.7 Attempts were made by the early pioneers
to communicate the cultural differences to the statutory bodies
through consultation groups, with the intention of informing a
more sensitive style of policing through greater cultural awareness
and mutual understanding to bridge the cultural divide. These
pioneers also had a more conciliatory approach through their respect
for authority and their enduring admiration for Britain as the
mother of the commonwealth, by constantly asking for the voice
of reason within the growing unrest amongst the less tolerant
younger generation of black British, to maintain dialogue and
not to overreact to the perceived heavy handed style of policing.
2.8 Unfortunately, the die had already been
cast and there was an outpouring of frustration and anger through
unrest on the streets of London, leading to the Notting Hill and
Brixton riots. As well as peaceful protests for acts of alleged
racism connected with deaths in police custody. This legacy was
passed from generation to generation, contaminating the minds
of many, especially in communities where culture is shaped by
circumstances and experience. These circumstances were most commonly
based around areas of need and neglect, owing to the community
immune system almost entirely broken or weakened by drugs, guns
and gangs.
3. EMERGING ISSUES
3.1 These socio-political and economic issues
are nothing new and a certain amount of it has been captured in
the Scarman and Lawrence inquiry reports published in 1981 and
1999 respectively. The recommendations in both of these reports
went some way to addressing black community concerns and wider
society attitudes towards minorities. The Police and Criminal
Evidence (PACE) and the Race Relation (Amendment) Acts (RR(A)A)
of 1984 and 2000 respectively, were the legislative developments
from these inquiries to increase police accountability and transparency.
The latter had a wider remit beyond the police service to include
other statutory bodies, in particular other CJS agencies.
3.2 I was one of the three MBPA members
who gave written and oral evidence to the Lawrence inquiry, which
was regarded as one the most enlightening submissions. The police
service was subsequently classed as an institutionally racist
organisation by the published report. Institutional racism (IR)
is not the monopoly of the police service and has manifested in
other CJS agencies, in addition to other public and private organisations;
which begs the question "How did the MPS, other organisations
and society as a whole get into this position and could it have
been prevented?" Lord Scarman's report stated: "This
nation will ignore at it's peril the serious, social and economic
problems of inner city areas, the evidence leaves no doubt in
my mind that racial disadvantage is a fact of current British
life, and that urgent action is needed if it is not to become
an endemic ineradicable disease threatening the very survival
of our society. Over twenty-five years later can we safely say
that these issues have been approached with the urgency it deserves,
and are we suffering from complacency and denial?"
3.3 I know the police service, through the
Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) has acknowledged the task
ahead and has a greater understanding of what needs to done in
addressing the challenges posed for an IR organisation. Through
Race Equality Schemes (RES), the subsequent action plans and Equality
Impact Assessments (EIA) have made dramatic improvements that
have pointed the police service in the right direction and, in
some ways, moved parts of the organisation to lead public organisations
in this area of work. Consequently, the police service in now
an organisation better positioned to serve the needs of an ever
growing diverse community.
3.4 Policing legitimacy has been enhanced
by the introduction of the Independent Police Complaints Commission
that has ensured greater transparency and accountability in the
investigation of complaints against police, through their supervision
and/or management of internal investigations and their findings
published for public scrutiny, especially the complainants.
3.5 Obviously, there is still a great deal
to be done to make the CJS fit for purpose and to sustain an effective
level of performance. However, until this position is achieved
there will be key issues that will demand in depth and consistent
attention eg the overrepresentation of black people in the CJS;
which has a direct influence on the relationship between young
black people and the CJS. The fact that a HAC is looking at this
issue is recognition that there is a gap in performance that needs
to be addressed, resulting in a lack of trust in the CJS. Indeed,
despite the ongoing danger, some young people believe that their
quick fix street justice is now increasingly more relevant.
3.6 I know of countless examples of young
black people who preferred to make no comments and pleaded not
guilty until the very last opportunity at court, which eliminated
them from other forms of judicial disposals and reprimands beforehand,
only because they lack trust in the CJS. Therefore if you compound
this with the influence of IR within the CJS it is no surprise
that published data (under Section 95 of the Criminal Justice
Act 1991) shows a continuous trend of disproportionalities; such
that black youngsters are more likely to be kept in police custody
or on remand and given custodial sentences, and less likely to
be cautioned or bailed than their white and Asian counterparts.
That is why in some boroughs there are more black youth going
to prison than going to university, and black females and males
making up 25% and 16% respectively of the national prison population
even though black people make up about 5% of the national population.
3.7 There are other influences that propagate
the virus of discontent in the CJS, born from the ubiquitous images
of areas of need and neglect that are a permanent fixture in British
popular culture in film and TV; in a certain amount of urban music
and videos, where the gangster life is glorified and mimicked
by young people, mainly by young black men. The news regularly
covers the violent outrages in these deprived areas, even though
it is the tip of the iceberg, reports of unrest and violent outbursts,
makes for popular newspaper copy and appears to breed apathy,
a lack of self respect and a perverted mutual respect between
those perpetrating such behaviour. Hence violence is the new currency
for respect within a minority of youth groups with the potential
to severely intimidate the silent majority, leading to different
forms of affiliations that can manifest into "Post Code Violence"
and other gang related activity (NB Appendix A Anti-Gang Activity
paper). These young people can have such extreme manifestations
of blind loyalty they see any stranger as a threat, in addition
to statutory agencies such as the police and other members of
the CJS.
3.8 The existence of systematic racial discrimination
in Britain's education system is the latest in a long line of
studies and investigations which point to the less favourable
treatment and experiences of black children in comparison to their
white counterparts. And the strategies introduced to eradicate
racism in our schools has had little effect, which allows the
unsupported and more impressionable ones to fall into the hands
of the dysfunctional/criminal role models who use this as a means
of manipulating young people into crime and anti-social behaviour
by perpetuating the labelling phenomenon; that means young
black people being deceived into believing they are disruptive
and un-teachable in school and criminals on the street, and so
the young person believes the only way out is a life of crime
and/or anti-social behaviour.
3.9 The leaked findings of Peter Wanless
2006 report, entitled Getting It. Getting it Right, states
"The exclusions gap is caused by largely unwitting, but systematic
racial discrimination in the application of disciplinary and exclusions
policies." The same report goes on to state that "a
compelling case can be made for the existence of `institutional
racism' in schools." This addresses to some extent why African
Caribbean pupils, in particular boys, are three times more likely
than white pupils to be permanently excluded from school and the
increased chances—four times—of getting into crime
as a result.
3.10 Pressure must be put on the DfES to
hold local education departments, schools and head teachers to
account, in a similar way to the Home Office's response when the
police service was seen to be institutionally racist despite the
existence of challenging targets being set. The current Home Secretary
has subsequently declared the Home Office "not fit for purpose"
, and it is now clear that agencies within its control will need
to be held to greater levels of accountability. I would like to
see the same level of leadership taken by the Secretary of State
for the DfES with a roots and branch consideration of all; local
education departments, school heads and staff, in respect of their
delivery on race equality.
3.11 Black supplementary schools have been
in existence for many decades, relying heavily on voluntary workers,
donations and fee paying parents. Invariably they are under-resourced
and unrecognised for the impact they have for their role in enhancing
achievement increasing retention of students and reducing exclusions.
They ensure primary and secondary education is more culturally
stimulating for the students through the shared and common experience
with their black teachers, because they recognise that if they
are not continuously stimulated intellectually the students may
resort to basic instincts of violence and other forms of disruptive
behaviour; also they have more cultural role models in terms of
the volunteers that assist the teachers. These schools are crying
out to be fully resourced by central government, and so the DfES
should be prioritising the establishment of a national strategy
to co-ordinate Supplementary Schools of different cultures and
backgrounds with mainstream education. Additional funds and consistent
resources must now be invested in the African and Caribbean Supplementary
Schools to reverse the current trends detailed above in order
that we fulfill the academic, social, moral and self-empowering
potential in young black people.
3.12 The most authentic and reliable data
for gang related activity within the black community of London
is captured through the Operation Trident command unit. In 2006
65% of gun victims across London were dealt with by Trident, which
shows gun homicides are disproportionately concentrated within
black communities when considering only 13% of Londoners are black.
Associated with this is a lack of co-operation with police, as
highlighted by the 2006 CJS report on The experiences of young
black men as victims of crime where it states improving the
experience of black victims is essential in order to improve both
the police and the wider CJS.
3.13 Over 70% of black communities live
in the top 10 most deprived boroughs in London that invariably
show a lack of community cohesion; fractured families with a significant
number of absent fathers. Knowing that life chances are greatly
influenced by parental circumstances it is not surprising that
outcomes include; a lack of self motivation, under achievement
at school, lack of job prospects and a lack of hard work ethics;
leading to a disproportionate number of young black people resorting
to crime in response to both financial and social needs. The result,
increased prison sentences and high reoffending rates. In essence,
a vicious and prophetic cycle of events which presents black society
with the fruits of poverty and inherited disadvantages that can
be traced back to early Caribbean settlers, mirroring the American
experience of African American young people self-destructing in
the urban areas of despondency and destitution.
4. RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 After looking at the socio-political
issues which challenge our society today, I believe the main themes
can be sub-divided into (i) area of concern, (ii) causes, (iii)
symptoms and signs and (iv) solutions.
4.2 The fundamental, if not historic concerns,
are issues of poor education, low economic investment and inferior
housing, all of which persist as root causes of inequality for
the vast majority of our target group, ie young black people.
4.3 The table below proposes a list of interventions
supported by a critical mass of change agents with a shared and
common experience working with the target group. The aim of these
recommendations is to combine leadership and political will with
a view to producing a cadre of relevant practitioners; ie dealers
in hope for the black community working locally to engender
a good work ethic; pride in the local community; building stronger
families with each member striving for significance; and moving
against a sad acceptance of crime and anti-social behaviour in
their environment without making attempts to prevent or solve
it, hand-in-hand with statutory and voluntary agencies (Appendix
B).
5. CLOSING REMARKS
5.1 I know I have taken a significant part
of this paper to look at the historical issues to assist in recognising
the legacy of resentment fuelled by ignorance and fear, and how
it influences current perceptions. In response to these challenges,
there needs to be a dynamic and significant range of innovative
investment aimed at delivering solutions which regenerate the
people themselves in numerous ways and not just the buildings
they are surrounded by. Both central and local government need
to play their role in supporting those culturally sensitive, successful
and accredited programmes of capacity building and self empowerment.
5.2 As a black man born and brought up in
London by working class parents of Jamaican heritage, I believe
the time has now arrived for the black community to collectively
be afforded and assume a greater leadership role by working with
increased resources, towards addressing some of the fundamental
issues that have traditionally blighted our families and communities.
By putting aside past resentments, adopting a more solution focused
approach and working more regularly with statutory and voluntary
agencies, sustainable and consistent change will come.
5.3 I hope the recommendations from the
HAC has the ability to hold the statutory agencies to account
to fully implement their RES and related action plans and necessary
equality impact assessments, to ensure their outputs and outcomes
are fit for purpose to all sections of society with the backing
of the CRE/CEHR over the coming years. The position we find ourselves
in, especially the deteriorating relationship between young black
people and the CJS, has developed over decades. I have no doubt
that it will take a sustained and co-ordinate effort over a reasonable
period of time to reverse the current trend. However, if we get
a grip of things now and maintain coherent, holistic and shared
strategies which are supported via sustainable funding, I am confident
that we can make that journey together.
5.4 Finally, a word of caution, we cannot
buy our way out of these problems. In 1981 Lord Scarman recommended:
"There needs to be governmental policy that attacks racial
disadvantage that inevitably means that ethnic minorities will
enjoy a time of positive discrimination in their favour, but it
is a price worth paying". I do not believe this finding has
yet been fully implemented, and, even though it may be twenty
five years overdue, there is no time like the present to take
these recommendations forward.
5.5 These closing remarks are especially
pertinent at this time and in this year, ie Britain's commemorative
bi-centenary of the abolition of the Slave Trade Act [25th March
1807].
Superintendent Leroy Logan
Deputy Borough Commander
Hackney Police
February 2007
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