Select Committee on Home Affairs Written Evidence


18.  Memorandum submitted by Paul Kiff

REASONS FOR RISES IN THE USE OF CUSTODIAL SENTENCES 1995 TO 2005

  Between 1995 and 2005, the annual number of prison sentences rose by about 25% from circa 80,000 to circa 101,000.

  Although there has been some limited research into the reasons underlying this growth in volume, it has not made use of a suitable research design and has therefore generally been inconclusive.

  No research has yet established that, given similar circumstances, the sentence passed for a given offence has been more likely to be given a custodial sentence in 2005 than in 1991.

  A piece of research with a research design sufficient to measure whether magistrate sentencing has become more likely to use custodial options over the last 10 years could be and should be executed quite simply.

  The main body responsible for increasing the number of custodial sentences passed over the 10 years has been the magistracy. (Between 1995 and 2005, the number of custodial sentences passed by magistrates courts increased from just over 20,000 to 33,000—62% of the entire growth in custodial sentences).

  Although the growth in numbers of custodial sentences in magistrates' courts has also been associated with a growth in the proportionate use of custody, representatives of the magistracy have maintained that the apparent increased tendency to use custodial sentences reflects real shifts in the level of seriousness of offences coming before them.

  This explanation is lent credence by the fact that the average length of custodial sentences passed by the magistracy has actually fallen since 1991.

  This does not suggest increased leniency but a significant rise in the number of cases where offence seriousness was only just over the threshold for passing a custodial sentence whilst the number of cases clearly over the threshold has probably remained very stable over the 15 year period.

2003 CJ ACT

  Despite what observers might have imagined or hoped to see, there never was any indication that the 2003 CJ Act was designed to reduce the use of short custodial sentences. Indeed, had the provision for custody plus been put into effect, the opposite was a much more likely outcome.

  Despite a number of papers on the subject, the Sentencing Guidelines Council has never yet been able to make any headway in determining exactly what might comprise a case "so serious" that only a custodial sentence would be sufficient. The definition has been repeated endlessly but what it means in concrete terms has never been defined. Not surprisingly because it is an impossible definition to make objectively.

  Other features of this and more recent legislation (such as admission of hearsay evidence and abolition of double jeopardy rules) plus the effects of public debates (such as guilty plea discounts) have intensified the probability of serious offences getting longer prison terms.

RISES IN THE PRISON POPULATION 1995 TO 2005

  Debates about the thresholds for custodial sentences have been plagued by a key assumption that the growth in the size of the prison population from 51,000 to 76,000 between 1995 and 2005 could be attributed mainly to the greater use of custodial sentences, especially the short custodial sentences imposed by the magistracy.

  There is a serious flaw in this argument.

  It ignores the fact that, despite the effects of growth in the number of shorter custodial sentences since 1995 (mainly at the magistrates' courts), the total number of people in custody at the end of 2005 for a short prison sentence (six months or less) was only 6,000. This is only 1,500 more than were in prison in 1995 for such short sentences (4,500). Thus only 6% of the growth in total prison population between 1995 and 2005 could be attributed to the increased use of short custodial sentences.

  One of the reasons why the numbers actually in prison for short sentences has not risen very much is that the average length of such short sentences has fallen markedly over the 15 year period.

REAL REASONS FOR RISES IN THE PRISON POPULATION

  The real culprit behind the rise in the prison population since 1995 is the extent to which the Crown Court has passed many more long and very long prison sentences.

  At the end of 1995, there were 32,000 people in prison for sentences of over 12 months. This number rose by 2005 to 54,000, an increase of 70%.

  The numbers serving sentences of four years and over alone at the end of 2005 was 32,000, an increase of 90% since 1991.

  These trends are clearly but not wholly attributable to a significant rise in the average length of sentences for serious offences.

  There has, at the same time, been a significant rise in the number of such cases coming to court.

ARGUMENTS FOR REPLACING SHORT CUSTODIAL SENTENCES WITH COMMUNITY SENTENCES

  Problems lie in the nature of arguments used to argue the case for replacement of short custodial sentences by community sentences.

  The first problem lies in the false analysis of the role of short prison sentences in raising the size of the prison population, as explained above.

  Other arguments mainly rely on the use of relative cost and effectiveness arguments.

COST

  Although it is true that the annual cost of an average prison place is five times that of a community sentence of similar length, it is not true that the average cost of a community sentence to replace the average short custodial sentence is lower than its custodial equivalent.

  An average short custodial sentence last three months or less, of which only half is spent in custody in the cheapest types of custody—at a total cost of about £3,000.

  The community equivalent would last between 12 and 18 months as a minimum and would use the most expensive community option—at a total cost of between £6,000 and £9,000

EFFECTIVENESS

  It is often argued that community sentences are at least no less effective than short custodial sentences in reducing recidivism.

  However, despite an agreement some years ago to change the way that such recidivism is measured, Home Office data analysts persist in comparing recidivism after completion of custodial sentences with recidivism measured from the start of community sentences.

  This is absurd since the community sentence is designed to produce a reduction in offending through therapeutic intervention which has not been completed until the sentence is finished.

A NEW APPROACH

  A case for replacing short custodial sentences with community sentences can nevertheless be made.

  First, a fair comparison of community sentences with short prison sentences would almost certainly reveal that community sentences are indeed much more effective in tackling recidivism.

  Secondly, the simple comparison of prison and community sentence operational costs ignores the cost to the state and society of the disruption to offenders' lives engendered by a prison sentence and the cost of the higher rate of recidivism. These costs are only partially borne by the Home Office so seem to get ignored in policy evaluation.

  The Home Affairs Committee could and should take a lead in promoting a better means of making the comparison of alternative sentences total social costs and benefits.

  At the same time, the Committee could and should press for research:

    —  Into the reasons underlying the rise in the number of persons in prison serving long prison sentences.

    —  Clarifying whether the rise in short prison sentences can be blamed on tougher sentencing or not.

Paul Kiff

Cracking Crime Scientific Research Group, University of East London

6 March 2007





 
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