Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20-39)

RT HON JACQUI SMITH MP AND SIR DAVID NORMINGTON KCB

24 JULY 2007

  Q20  Mrs Dean: Home Secretary, you said earlier about the importance of the Office of Security and Counter-Terrorism. Could you say when it will be fully staffed and functioning? Have there been any teething problems? Would you like to say any more about the difference you feel it will make?

  Jacqui Smith: I might turn to David for some of the detail about the staffing, but perhaps I could take the last bit first. The aim quite clearly being set out—and from what I have seen of the operation already I am beginning to see this delivered—is that it will bring a greater drive and more cohesion and strategic capacity across government in order to bring together the work that is necessary to fight terrorism. It will enable us to develop greater sophistication in the way in which we spend money, frankly; the common assumptions that we have across a range of areas where we are investing in our counter-terrorism work; and it will ensure both better political accountability and more of an opportunity through the capacity that is there to plan strategically. That, of course, is dependent, as you suggested, on making sure that we have the right people in place, and that work is happening. We have relatively recently recruited and a Director General is now in post. We have already seen some important work in terms of developing both the senior level structure and the accountability. The Research Information and Communications Unit, which I think will play a very important role across government in co-ordinating both the research and the analysis and the communication around our work on counter-terrorism, is set up at the moment in reasonably embryonic form, bringing together staff from FCO and communities and local government and the private sector. But that is an important start. My experience in the last four weeks has been that that has already enabled us to bring together the work that was already happening and be confident that we are going to be able to refresh some of our areas of our counter-terrorism work that I think need immediate work. The things I was talking about with respect to "prevent" is an important area where we have already started that work and where I think this new machinery will enable us to have a much more effective operation.

  Sir David Normington: I think we thought it was important that we could get the senior person in place so that he (as it turns out) could build the senior team. But in the meantime we have concentrated on putting together teams who can develop the strategy, as the Home Secretary says, and do some of the earlier work from the Research, Information and Communication Unit. So we learn as we go along and we get some work going; we do not wait until all the teams are in place before the work starts happening. It will take through the rest of this financial year to get the full numbers in place, but there is work going on now in the key areas.

  Mrs Dean: Have there been any teething problems?

  Q21  Chairman: Or do we work on the assumption that there are always teething problems?

  Sir David Normington: There have not really been any serious teething problems in this area. There are teething problems—and we have talked about them before—in other areas, but there have not been any in this area particularly.

  Q22  Mrs Dean: You may know, Home Secretary, that the Committee decided to undertake a short inquiry into the Government's latest counter-terrorism proposals. On 7 June your predecessor announced that there would be those proposals and he promised a "fuller content paper" giving details of these "in the next few weeks". Do you know when it will appear?

  Jacqui Smith: Yes. Tomorrow.

  Q23  Mrs Dean: Can you confirm that it will contain the material requested; that is, robust police analysis in respect of three areas: pre-charge detention powers; stop-and-search; and the current state of play with control orders?

  Jacqui Smith: On pre-charge detention, my predecessor said, which I think was absolutely right, that—

  Q24  Chairman: We are coming to that in a moment.

  Jacqui Smith: Okay. What were the other two areas? I am sorry?

  Q25  Mrs Dean: The question was: Would they be addressed in the content paper?

  Jacqui Smith: I am confident that, with the possible exception of control orders, the other two will be covered.

  Q26  Mr Benyon: Some time ago, the Assistant Chief Constable Andy Hayman presented a scenario to this Committee of a case which would prove the need for a pre-charge detention period of greater than 28 days. Since he painted that scenario, it has become a reality. Even with that, last year your predecessor came before this Committee and said, "If someone brings me a factually based case which illustrates that there is an evidential basis greater than the last time it was taken to Parliament, then I would be prepared to take it back to Parliament, but that case has not yet been put." What hard evidence have the police given you that the current 28-day limit is inadequate?

  Jacqui Smith: One of the functions of the paper we will be publishing tomorrow will be to keep an analysis of everything we know about the complexity of plots; the way in which the extension from 14 to 28 days has been used; the experience that we have of—as I was questioned on earlier—the international nature of the sorts of plots, for example, that have been thwarted; and the nature of the type of attacks and plots that we are looking at (for example, the very fact that they are likely to be, in many cases, based around suicide bombing and that they would cause disproportionate and terrible ranges of damage were they allowed to go ahead). All of those things create what I would argue is a trend of analysis towards a position where it is very legitimate for us now to consider again the case for going beyond the current situation of a maximum of 28 days in terms of pre-charge detention. But I come back to the point I made earlier: first, when we publish the document tomorrow, it will outline what we now know about that trend across a range of areas, and, secondly, it will not, if you like, plump down at one particular solution for that. It will fulfil what we have previously said is of significance, which is how we could ensure, if there were to be any extension beyond 28 days, that that would go alongside both parliamentary scrutiny and judicial oversight but also consider some of the other options that have been put forward by others as ways in which we might address the challenge that certainly appears to me to come from the growing complexity in the other areas of trend analysis that we will put out in the paper tomorrow.

  Q27  Mr Benyon: In Andy Hayman's scenario, an imagined case, he talked about a complicated international case, multiple defendants, different languages, using foreign intelligence services at a time-heightened threat, with difficult to collect evidence from IT and all these other sources. That has all happened. I would like to know how the 28-day period has copied with the reality of that. Lord West has been on record as saying that we were right up to the limit but my information from people who claim to know about these things is that 22 days was adequate. I am no expert. I am not in the loop like you are but I think Parliament really needs to know whether this 28 days has been pushed to the limit or not.

  Jacqui Smith: Parliament will certainly know in very clear terms tomorrow. To a certain extent, of course, we already know, but, yes, that period of time has been pushed. For example, we already know that in recent operations, in terms of going beyond 14 days, one person was held for between 14 and 15 days and then charged; four people were held between 19 and 20 days and then charged; and six people have been held between 27 and 28 days and three of those were charged. There is already, if you like, evidence of us going up to the point of 28 days, but the argument that I am also making is that, by definition, there is not a case up to this point where the limit that Parliament has already laid down has been exceeded. But there is certainly information—and we will spell it out tomorrow—to go back to what you were saying about the sort of cases that Andy Hayman raised, that recent alleged plots are more complex, contain more product, whether or not it is phones or computers or witness statements or house searches, than was the case when Parliament considered this previously, and, as I suggested, that what we know about international connections, what we know about the experience of investigations up to this point, all give us at least a strong view that the time is now right to reconsider whether or not and how it might be necessary to allow longer than 28 days for pre-charge questioning. That will be included in the paper we will publish tomorrow.

  Q28  Mr Benyon: Will you comment on the ACPO recommendation that there should be an unlimited period of detention without charge? Secondly, would you agree with me that it is vital we know when evidence material to charge is available? You can hold people for up to 28 days but the evidence material to charge might have been available a lot earlier, so they could have charged them earlier.

  Jacqui Smith: Firstly, I will say about ACPO that Ken Jones actually said, "ACPO are not, have not and will never call for indefinite detention." He did engage, as many others have, in a discussion about the sorts of pressures that both those investigating and those who want to bring to justice people involved in these plots have been under. My view is that it is precisely because we want to engage people, to continue in that discussion, to look at the analysis, to consider the various different options, that it is right that we publish the paper and continue the consultation that will come after tomorrow.

  Q29  Mr Benyon: I am sorry, but he actually said "for as long as it takes". Those were his exact words.

  Jacqui Smith: You will have to ask him what he meant or did not mean by that, but he has told me, in terms, that he did not mean indefinite detention.

  Q30  Mr Benyon: Could you tell the Committee about evidence material to charge. If evidence material to charge is available at 27 days or 28 days, I agree with you, it is pushing it to the buffers, but if evidence is material at 22 days and there is a considerable gap and they are not charged until 28 days I think Parliament needs to know about that in terms of this debate.

  Jacqui Smith: I am sure that will be one of the things that will be part of the discussion as we go forward, and, no, I am not in a position to tell you that today.

  Q31  Chairman: Your predecessor, in the work on consensus in the House of Commons gave the impression that if he could not get agreement with the other parties for going beyond 28 days he would not be pushing for that. Does that remain Government policy?

  Jacqui Smith: It remains my view that we should be continuing to try to seek consensus. That is precisely the reason why we will take the approach that we will be taking tomorrow, which is to look at both the trend, as I have suggested, to look at a range of alternatives for how we might address the challenges that I think that trend brings, and why I will continue, with this Committee and with others, to try to reach a consensus on the way forward. In the end, however, I have to say that I think it is right and has been right in the past that the Government has taken a view about what is right for the security of this country and the tools that both the police and others need in order to tackle terrorism, but I do not think we are at that point yet and at the moment I am completely committed to maintaining that discussion and consultation as we go forward in this area.

  Q32  Chairman: There has been a cynical view, which I hope has no justification, that ACPO and Lord Carlile—or this is what it amounted to—have been put forward in order to soften up Parliament to increase the 28 days.

  Jacqui Smith: Neither am I cynical, nor do I think there is much that could be done to soften up you lot—us lot.

  Q33  Bob Russell: Home Secretary, when you come forward with proposals, will you take into account what our European neighbours do in these matters?

  Jacqui Smith: Of course, that would be one of the areas that we both have done and will want to look at. For example, I know there has been interest in the French system of examining magistrates. One of the things that we will do alongside the information that we are publishing tomorrow will be to publish some research that has been done on the French experience. Of course, we would want to look at experience from other European and wider countries, but we will need to look at that in the context both of the particular threat and particular complexities that we face here and our particular legal system. Every country, if you bring all those things together, is unique and this will need to be a discussion that we have whilst bringing in evidence from abroad but which nevertheless is about us considering both the challenge and the ways in which we might solve that for the UK.

  Q34  Chairman: Could I just say, Home Secretary, although I am sure you are aware of it and have quite likely read the report, that the Home Affairs Committee very recently came to the conclusion that there was no justification at this stage, whatever may happen in the future, to go beyond 28 days. I am sure that is part of your homework.

  Jacqui Smith: Not only have I read the report but I have heard you, Mr Chairman, make the case on that on several occasions.

  Chairman: I hope that has not changed your mind in favour.

  Q35  Mr Browne: Home Secretary, I would like to ask two separate questions on two very specific aspects of this debate. The first is control orders. You are probably fed up with people saying "your predecessor said" but your predecessor did take a very strident view on this matter and others. He always maintained that control orders were an absolutely essential tool within trying to combat terrorism but we have heard of many instances where they have proven to be inadequate. I think about one third of the people who have been subjected to them have absconded and there has been difficulty in finding them again. Would you give us a sense of your thinking at the moment on control orders and whether they are a satisfactory way of addressing this problem or whether they have too many clauses and are a halfway house between trying to convict somebody and leaving them as a free person? We are trying to explore control orders. Do you think they work? How can they be improved or modified?

  Jacqui Smith: My predecessor said, if I remember rightly—and I strongly agree with him—that when it comes to tackling terrorism and protecting the public the first priority will always be to catch people and to convict them. In a sort of list of preference, the next option, where it was not possible to convict somebody but where they were not a UK citizen, would be to deport them, for example. Very much the third option, but nevertheless an important tool, is that of control orders. It has never been the case that the Government has attempted to argue that control orders are a perfect solution. It is precisely because they are imperfect that we are looking, through the representations that we are making, through recent court cases, to find ways in which we can strengthen the provisions that we are able to put around control orders, taking action both with respect to what more we need to do to be able to track and convict people—and this is the previous conversation that we have had—and also what more we need to do to be able, where it is appropriate, to deport people. That is the reason why of course we have taken action on developing memorandum of understanding with various countries and why we are continuing to make representations alongside others with respect to certain cases that will enable us to have a greater opportunity to avoid the courts striking down decisions about us deporting on the basis of Article 3 of the ECHR. All of those things are important. But, at this moment in time, is it my view that we still need to have control orders? Yes. Is it my view that they need to be strengthened? Yes.

  Q36  Mr Browne: Thank you. That is a very full answer. The other area I would like to ask about is telephone intercept evidence being used in court. You will be familiar with the arguments, which is that it is currently used in many comparable countries: Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, the United States and others. Will you give us an update on where we have got to with the Privy Counsellors' review of telephone intercept evidence and when we might expect to have progress one way or the other on any developments that are taking place?

  Jacqui Smith: One of the difficulties in this area is that the technical issues around intercept go much broader than simply telephone tapping. That is part of the strength of the capability that we have in this country. Secondly, where our particular circumstances differ from some other countries, as well, is with respect to the combination of our common law legal system, our stringent disclosure regime in courts and, quite rightly, ECHR considerations. It is the bringing together of those alongside the current capacity that we have in our interception, alongside the need to protect that, which I think means we face a unique set of circumstances that are not faced elsewhere. With respect to the progress on the Privy Council review, my predecessor of course announced that we would set that up. I suspect I am not giving away too much to the Committee by saying that we would certainly hope to be in a position where we will be announcing considerable progress on that in the near future.

  Q37  Margaret Moran: Are you convinced that RIPA currently do as much as they could do in this area and what do you say to the argument that the problem will not be so much the argument per se about intercept but the fact that the courts will require to see all evidence before they will consider one element that is pertinent to the case at hand?

  Jacqui Smith: What you have identified there are two of the issues that are part of the reason why this is not an easy solution. Trust me. If somebody had come to me or any of my predecessors and said, "Here is the solution to convicting more people who are alleged to have carried out terrorist attacks" I or any of my predecessors would have absolutely leapt at it. What people have said is that there are considerable challenges both in terms of our legal system and our ability to carry on doing the work that has been so important for our intelligence agencies and others in going down this route. It is in order to really get into the details of those and to look at whether it might be possible to overcome them that the Privy Council review has been set up.

  Q38  Mr Clappison: You have very understandably had a focus on security but I would like to ask you about migration which is one of your key responsibilities in the new Home Office. You will be aware that there is serious public concern about the present level of migration into this country which has substantially increased in the last ten years. For your part, are you content with the present level of migration?

  Jacqui Smith: You are right that we have spelt out as one of the four strategic areas for the work that we are taking forward on the whole area of immigration how we manage migration in order to ensure that it maximises the benefits to the UK. That is why not only have we made that a strategic objective; we will, in setting up the Migration Advisory Committee and introducing a points based system, make sure that we can be clear that those people who are coming to this country are doing so on the basis of the contribution that they can make to the economy and why—it has already met—it is also setting up the Migration Impact Forum that will look very seriously at the impact, both good and bad, that migrants into the country can have.

  Q39  Mr Clappison: What do you think about the present level of migration?

  Jacqui Smith: What is important is that we look at how, from now, we consider the impact that migration is having. Is it having an impact on our communities? Yes, it is. Some of that is good. Some of that brings areas of concern, particularly for public services. I know, James, that what you want me to do is to give you a headline that says, "Yes, too many people have come" or, "No, too many people have not come." I am not going to do that. What I am going to be clear about however is yes, there are impacts on our communities. We as a government have recognised them. That is why we are putting in place not only the way in which we are controlling immigration and managing it but also serious cross government work on the impact that has on our communities and on public services.


 
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