Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 180-199)

MR ALAN SEATTER

28 NOVEMBER 2006

  Q180  Mr Duddridge: I find this very difficult to reconcile with what we were told on the ground about hospitals not being open and, if they are open, it is only for emergency services. Dr Nasser of the East Jerusalem hospital told us that none of the six hospitals he is responsible for had received any money from TIM in any way, be it for fuel or medical supplies or anything else.

  Mr Seatter: There are two points on that. I said that by the end of this month $23 million will have been disbursed. I may not be the right person to ask about that because, as I said, it is through the World Bank that we have to disburse these funds under the Quartet agreements. Nevertheless, we made our funds available in August to the World Bank in order to meet these needs. That was not spent until much later. By the time of your visit, I think the expenditure on some of these items was only just beginning. It would be true that some of the hospitals were facing difficulty of supply. That is undeniable. There were real problems there.

  Mr Duddridge: They were closed.

  Mr Seatter: The second problem was that a public service strike began on 2 September that affected schools and hospitals. It is absolutely true that for a long time you could only get emergency treatment in hospitals. You could not go there if you were feeling ill; nothing would be done for you.

  Q181  Chairman: While we were there, we were told that all the emergency rooms on the West Bank were closed that week.

  Mr Seatter: That was as a result of the strike.

  Q182  Chairman: Presumably it was as a result of the strike. In reality, nevertheless, they were not functioning.

  Mr Seatter: You have seen for yourselves the dire situation that is faced by many thousands of people in the West Bank and in Gaza. That is the reason that our first priority was to concentrate on the functioning of the health service. We took care of paying the medical staff and we were working with the World Bank to make sure that supplies got to the hospitals. It is true that the payments to the medical staff were done much earlier than the supplies, but they are now being delivered.

  Q183  John Battle: I have been to the area a few times. There was a crisis over the election. We look at poverty. We did go this time to the Palestinian Territories and looked to see if there was hunger and if food aid was being given out which one sometimes sees in refugee camps. It was not. The evidence we took from the people we met was the strongest evidence I have ever heard of a dysfunctioning medical system. Normally during a crisis when there is a conflict, the Red Cross move in and the Red Cross make sure that all people get medical health care. The Red Cross withdrew because there is a Palestinian health ministry set up, just as we have a Department of Health here in Britain, which functions regardless of the government in power to ensure that people receive medical care. If the state breaks down, then send the Red Cross back in again. I thought that the evidence we had was of a massively dysfunctioning health care system. That was my strongest impression of the crisis now in the Palestinian Territories as a whole and in Gaza. We have written evidence about Gaza. Could I press you on the detail of this? There seems to be an intentionality to do something about it and pay the wages. Taking Window III of TIM, which is payments of allowances to low-paid workers, I would be interested to know whether health workers are included in that. The threshold was increased from 2,000 shekels per month to 2,500 shekels per month. It is not clear, and you may know, how many doctors and nurses would qualify under TIM Window III? The impression we had was that money is not getting through for salaries or drugs. I know there are energy problems and they have had to go back to using generators. The hospitals are there and they are reasonably well-equipped. The problem is the movement of staff to the hospitals; the staff cannot get to work. Paying the staff seems to me the greatest crisis. This matter has been referred to the World Bank. Allocations were made in August and it is now November. We go in November and people tell us that they are trying to run a health service instead of on a $26 million budget, on a $2 million donations budget. It is not working, is it?

  Mr Seatter: You are right that the health service is dysfunctional. You have drawn attention to two of the biggest problems. One of those is that people cannot move easily at all in the Palestinian Territories. The second one is that there has been massive disruption to fuel supplies. Let me be clear on the salaries. There is 100% coverage of medical staff salaries through the TIM. The threshold does not apply to medical staff.

  Q184  Chairman: You mean that they get the minimum payments?

  Mr Seatter: Everybody, irrespective of their salary, gets the minimum payment through the TIM. I want to clarify that. There is no threshold that applies to health workers. It is true that there is a small number of people who are regarded as politically affiliated and who do not get payments. The Minister of Health, his advisers and people in the immediate entourage of that person are not getting payments, but the medical staff and the staff required to make the health service function are getting paid. There is no exclusion on the grounds of any income criteria. The highest paid health workers will still be getting paid an allowance. The allowance is not very big; it is 1,500 shekels, but everybody gets it. That is the first point. I do not understand how people can tell you that they were not getting salary payments when, by the time of your visit, four payments had been made. I do understand how people are saying to you that there is a problem about getting supplies.

  Q185  John Battle: We met a doctor who covers East Jerusalem's public sector hospitals, not the private hospitals. He was speaking about there being no elective surgery going on at all. I do not believe that even in crisis situations doctors hold patients to ransom to make a political point. They normally get on with the operations. Why do you think there was no elective surgery going on? I got the impression that the East Jerusalem hospitals are not inside the scheme.

  Mr Seatter: We have had an ongoing programme for East Jerusalem hospitals for a number of years. We have been supporting all of the hospitals in East Jerusalem for about three years now. We made a special effort there because of the big problems that people have in reaching Jerusalem from the West Bank and because they are the centres of excellence for certain kinds of treatment. What we have done under the TIM is to make sure that fuel deliveries have reached those hospitals to keep the electricity system going. I can understand how, if supplies have been delayed, it is difficult to carry out the full range of medical services that are required in a hospital. I can see that that would be a problem. All I can say to you is that, as far as the Commission is concerned, we disbursed our payment on 25 August. I am not going to put the blame on the World Bank in the sense that they have had a lot of problems to procure this equipment in ways that are satisfactory. It is true that it has taken a longer time than they at first thought.

  Q186  John Battle: The direction that I am pressing in a sense is this. Elective surgery is not able to take place in East Jerusalem: yes, the lights were on as far as I was aware; they had equipment but they did not have all the expensive medications they needed for cancer. We heard about one cancer case. Also, they could not refer cases to an Israeli hospital any longer. There were problems with staff getting through check-points and they could not get to work. If that is the case, in any other humanitarian emergency situation it would be sorted out or the Red Cross would be sent in, in my view, so that people get primary medical care. Why is neither of those options taken and why is there not a real task force saying that they will make the Palestinian medical health ministry exempt from all these arrangements and get action there? Can that not be done? If that cannot be done, we are asking why the Red Cross cannot gain access to the people immediately.

  Mr Seatter: On the first point, the medical supplies programme of the World Bank is being worked through the Office of the President and officials in the Ministry of Health who are not at a political level. Under the guidelines that all 25 EU governments approved, we cannot have contacts at any political level with the Palestinian Administration. Those are not authorised. The reason is because Hamas has been classified as a terrorist organisation.

  Q187  Chairman: Can I stop you there? When we met David Craig of the World Bank, and I have the note of our meetings there and we all remember the discussions, the World Bank had a different arrangement. I read from our notes. The World Bank has operated a very soft no-contact policy with Hamas. It was not under a complete ban in relation to dealing with Hamas ministers. The US Office of Foreign Assets Control had issued a waiver to the UN, the World Bank and the IMF to allow them to continue to do business with the PA without being subject to US anti-terrorism legislation. David Craig did not have authority to talk to Hamas about future programmes but could discuss the existing and agreed programmes. That suggests that taking it away from the World Bank to TIM has aggravated the problem. The World Bank would have the capacity to deliver in a practical way what TIM apparently cannot.

  Mr Seatter: I think, on that point, it has not been taken away from the World Bank to give to the TIM because we are working through the World Bank. We are not doing anything that is duplicating what the World Bank is doing. We are working through them. So the Window I, which is for medical supplies, is going through the World Bank. That problem—of taking it away from the World Bank to TIM—does not exist. I totally agree with you that in a normal situation we would be working through the Ministry of Health, trying to strengthen it, trying to build it up and make sure that it can deliver the services that it is there for. That is what we were doing up until the time that the election of Hamas happened. I can understand that you are as frustrated as we are in trying to deal with this problem but we cannot have political contacts.

  Q188  John Battle: I do not think it is overlap. You have divided the problem up into bits—salaries, medical supplies and dealing with Hamas—and various groups are dealing with every bit. As a result, the whole system is falling down between the gaps. I have spent this weekend trying to get 29 different agencies dealing with one family to talk to each other and the family. We are as bad here at not joining up things. What happens is that you end up with a policy that sounds all right to trickle down and reach the people but that is not happening. Is there any way that there could be a breakthrough on this? Perhaps a taskforce could say that health is a priority. In emergency situations, why can we not get health to the people in these conditions, as happens elsewhere?

  Mr Seatter: I would disagree with you that no health is being delivered. The first priority is to ensure that the emergency services continue to exist so that people in a medical emergency can have somewhere to go to. That means that you have to pay the people to do it and make provision for supplies. It is not true that we are failing to deal with the most acute problem. It is true that it is impossible for somebody to step in and replace a whole administration. That is why it is a temporary mechanism. It very much a second best or third best or fourth best, whatever you like, solution to this problem. It is not a solution to the problem. It is a stop-gap to meet the most immediate needs of the poorest section of the population so that they can have medical services. Without it, you would have had a medical service not being paid and no deliveries of medicine, not even late deliveries of medicine, and other supplies. We say there are no people who were being turned away from hospitals and dying because of lack of emergency cover.

  Chairman: They are dying now. Dr Tawfiq Nasser said three weeks ago that the hospitals of East Jerusalem had not received TIM funding yet, although TIM payments had been paid to some health workers elsewhere in the OPTs. He also told us that all emergency rooms on the West Bank had been closed the day before as a result of a combination of the strike and people not being paid, but in this case they were not getting supplies. We still have a number of detailed questions. Clearly you have acknowledged yourself that if this is a temporary mechanism, it does not work very well. The problem is going to get worse not better unless certain things happen.

  Q189  Ann McKechin: When we were in Jerusalem, we met Hans Duynhouwer, who is the head of the TIM management team there. He hinted to us that you are looking at some idea of making basic payments to at least part of the police force. Clearly the issue of security is a key one in this continuing tragedy. I wondered what potential there is for paying the police under the Window III mechanism and which parts of the security forces would be covered by such a payment if that did occur?

  Mr Seatter: Up to now, the mechanism only covers civil employees, for very good reasons. We are targeting it to health and it also now covers about two-thirds of the people who work on the civilian payroll. We are looking, it is true, at what it would mean to cover the civil police. There are about 19,000 people who work in the civil police. I do not want to go into the murky world of the Palestinian security services. You will have seen some of this for yourselves on your visit. There is a big difference of view here within the Quartet and between Member States, to be honest with you. I think there would be great reluctance on the part of some members of the Quartet as well as some Member States to go down this road. What we thought would be useful at this stage, in the light of the experience that we have had with the 70,000 people being covered under Window III of TIM, and I am talking about people employed in the Palestinian Authority, is whether we could cover an element of the police force, which is supposed to be delivering the service to people. We are just looking at the feasibility of that and the cost of that. To be honest, we have run out of money in this mechanism. By the end of the year, I am not sure whether we will be able to carry on for very many more months into 2007. If we extend the coverage to even more people, then we are adding to the problem, but we are looking at the feasibility of this. In the light of what our report shows, we want to have a discussion with Member States to see whether they are willing to go down that road or not.

  Q190  Ann McKechin: Is there a discussion amongst Member States about the balance? If the civil police are not paid for such a lengthy period, in effect civil policing breaks down and the communities begin to rely increasingly on armed militias. We could end up with a Somalia-type situation occurring. The ability to restore a civil police service would be similar to the problems in Iraq when we disbanded everything and then had to start from the beginning. We suffered a lot there. It seems to me that rather than waiting for a discussion amongst EU members, this really should be an utter priority for them and it is about whether they want to be serious about maintaining a law and order system, particularly in Gaza.

  Mr Seatter: We had a first discussion with them about this in October and there was not a wildly enthusiastic reception to our suggestion that we might look at that. Now we are looking at the details of that scheme, how it would work, how much it would cost and whether it would address the problems that you are referring to. Frankly, the civil police does not work in the Palestinian Territories and it has not worked for some time. There are two projects going on in that area which had to be suspended when the Hamas government was elected. We had a rule of law project to strength judges and the whole judicial part of the system, and then there was another one to strengthen the civil police, but that was suspended because of the decision of Member States to classify Hamas as a terrorist organisation.

  Q191  Joan Ruddock: I think we are shaking our heads in despair at this point. Might I go directly to what you have just said, the fact that the TIM is running out of money and therefore perhaps it has already been extended from September to December, as I understand it. Come December, that may be it. I think you must acknowledge that although we would regard TIM as wholly inadequate, clearly not dealing with an emergency and within the emergency timetable, nonetheless, it is giving some means to people perhaps just to feed themselves. What would happen if there were no TIM? What is the EU anticipating?

  Mr Seatter: The mechanism is temporary. Many of your criticisms are directed at us on the TIM and that it is not adequate to respond to the needs. You are absolutely right. How could it possibly be?

  Joan Ruddock: It could not.

  Mr Seatter: The payments that Israel has withheld are a multiple of what has gone into the TIM, so how could it possibly be an adequate response? Nevertheless, we have tried to focus on the poorest part of the population and the medical services. If there was no TIM, I think there would be massive problems. That was one of the other reasons behind it. It was not just to address the problem of poverty but to give time for politics to have a chance so that the different Palestinian factions have a chance to work something out. There has been some progress on that. What is the contingency plan? We will have fresh resources available in January and we are proposing to make those available through the TIM if required because hopefully there will be a National Unity government which we can work with, in which case we will divert all of these resources and use them progressively in a better way, working with the government rather than having to bypass it. As you yourselves are saying, it is not a satisfactory situation. We feel this acutely because we have been spending years building up institutions in the Palestinian Authority. We would be trying to target these funds on meeting the immediate needs and phasing that out into support for the National Unity government. That is our strategy. The TIM is expiring at the end of the year and so we would be proposing to the Quartet to extend it. There will be a first discussion with Member States on this fairly soon. We think we can mobilise resources. It is striking that at the moment €200 million is going into the TIM: €110 million is coming from the European Community and €91 million is coming from Member States. I have never seen in my work in the European Union Member States actually donating additional funds to the funds that they already give through the Community budget and 14 Member States are doing it. They obviously feel that there is something worthwhile here. Hopefully, we can mobilise these funds in the new year so that we can phase into supporting a National Unity government in a more structural way than we are doing at the moment.

  Q192  Joan Ruddock: All right, so a National Unity government gets formed and you work out a phased timetable. First of all, a National Unity government may not be formed. The other possibility is that it is formed and it does not say exactly what Israel wants and Israel does not recognise it. Where does that leave the Quartet? It may be formed and within a month it has fallen?

  Mr Seatter: Then we have to continue what we are doing now and maybe try to mobilise further funds. That is our fallback.

  Q193  Joan Ruddock: The longer the crisis, the greater the need?

  Mr Seatter: Exactly, but we think that to address that danger, and it is a real danger, we need to mobilise fresh funds which we are going to do right from January. We are already looking at how we can get extra funds this year and ask Member States and others. We have been approached by Japan and we have asked Canada and the United States. Of course we are continuing to talk to Israel about whether they can release some of those revenues through the TIM. We have also talked to the Palestinian Authority about that. It would be our strategy to continue and intensify what we are doing, hopefully for not very long, to address the most immediate needs that are coming up in the new year. Again, as you have said, it will be a completely inadequate response but I think it is the only thing we can offer at the moment.

  Q194  Joan Ruddock: May I ask you then about another aspect of EU funding, which is the €12 million that goes to the Office of the President for technical assistance and capacity-building? We have received evidence from NGOs such as Christian Aid who have argued that this undermines Palestinian institutions. We heard a very powerful comment from Hanan Ashrawi when we met with her that by doing what we are doing we have totally undermined and emasculated the political opposition in the PA itself. How do you respond to that?

  Mr Seatter: On the first point, it is not true that this €12 million has gone to the Office of the President. I will tell you what has gone to the Office of the President; it is €63,000 for supplies and for a person to work there to help them out in dealing with the TIM. What has happened to the rest of this money? To be honest, we are holding it available to work with institutions such as the Palestinian Monetary Authority and the Border Management Agency, the Central Election Commission and the Supreme Judicial Council, which are professional and independent bodies, to see whether we can support their work. It may be that if there is a National Unity government, it will come in useful then. We have made available these funds for institution-building. We have not given them to the Office of the President. It is not true that we have done that; only €63,000 has gone there, for the very reason that you are saying that we think we would like to hold this available to support institution-building when we can do it. We can do it to a certain extent now with independent agencies and maybe in the future, if there is a new government, we can use it to help them. I do not know about Hanan Ashrawi's comment. I think what we are trying to do here is address the worst of the poverty in the Palestinian Territories and to make sure that the health service can function. That is the first objective. We are very aware that the NGOs that we work with are criticising this as undermining institutions. As I said, this is very much a second-best situation. We made a big effort to come out with proposals for institution-building, which we produced last year, taking up many of the points that this committee had made three years ago. We were building this up into something which we could not then work with because of the Hamas situation. I am sorry to have to come back to that eternally.

  Q195  Richard Burden: You have been very clear about how well or badly the TIM operates. It cannot meet the needs and its impact, even if working properly, would be dwarfed by the impact of millions and millions of dollars of tax revenues, which are collected by Israel and withheld at the moment. Could you just tell us from the Commission point of view, the EU's point of view, whose money is that? Who does that tax revenue belong to?

  Mr Seatter: The money belongs to the Palestinian people. It is collected from and has been paid by the Palestinian people in the form of taxes and duties and it is collected on their behalf under the Paris Protocol to the Oslo Agreement by the Israeli Government.

  Q196  Richard Burden: So it does not belong to Israel?

  Mr Seatter: No.

  Q197  Richard Burden: What steps are the European Union taking and the Quartet taking to ensure that it is handed over to its rightful and legal owners?

  Mr Seatter: We have called repeatedly and publicly with increasing force on Israel to meet its obligations in respect of that revenue. That is the first thing. The second thing is that we have talked to Israel about the way this mechanism works. We have asked them to consider transferring some of this money through the TIM mechanism. If they are worried about financial control, we could make certain assurances to help them do that. Of course, we only did that after having talked to the Palestinians about it because we said to them, "It is your money. Would you accept it being put through this mechanism?"

  Q198  Richard Burden: Have they agreed to that?

  Mr Seatter: They have indicated that we should talk to Israel in those terms. They have agreed that we explore that with Israel, but that is very much again a second-best solution because these funds legally belong to the Palestinians. That has been our position of principle, which we have made very clear, increasingly clear, to Israel over recent months. In order to facilitate that, we have offered this, after having consulted the Palestinian Authority about that.

  Q199  Richard Burden: You have been very clear that as far as the Member States are concerned and corporately because of a theoretical position in the programme of Hamas, even though, as you said, the Change and Reform Party did not hold that position, there are very strict sanctions in place because the Palestinian government may not act in accordance with what is seen to be acceptable behaviour. Israel, by withholding money that does not belong to it, is not, in practice, abiding by the principles of acceptable behaviour. Other than raising it, what are we doing to ensure that Israel does behave better?

  Mr Seatter: Pressure and offering to help address some of their concerns about financial control are the two ways that we have tried so far.


 
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