Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 109 - 119)

TUESDAY 12 DECEMBER 2006

PROFESSOR SANDY CAIRNCROSS, DR DARREN SAYWELL AND MS LAURA WEBSTER

  Q109  Chairman: May I wish you good morning and apologise for keeping you three or four minutes, and preface this by saying we are also very pressed for time and have two sets of witnesses and, with various conflicts with diaries, we have to try and finish the session by 12.30. I only say that in advance because we do want to hear from you so if we could bear that in mind and you could try to keep your answers crisp and we will try to keep our questions short. Obviously it is important for us to get the views of people like yourselves as to how we can address what has been described by other witnesses as a "crisis" in water and, even more so, in sanitation. Perhaps you could start the proceedings by introducing yourselves.

  Dr Saywell: I am Darren Saywell. I am the Development Director at the International Water Association.

  Professor Cairncross: I am Sandy Cairncross, Professor of Environmental Health at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.

  Ms Webster: Laura Webster. I am Senior Policy Officer on water and sanitation at the UK NGO Tearfund.

  Q110  Chairman: As I have just said the "crisis" in sanitation has been described as that. Clearly millions of children in particular are dying because of a lack of proper sanitation. If you are looking at the role DFID plays, can you identify whether it forms a coherent strategy, because it is not entirely clear that they do, and what else could be done to try and address this crisis. One of the most frustrating things we hear is that even simple issues like washing hands and basic public health education could make a huge difference and yet, despite the money that has been put into it, it does not seem to be happening. What do you think of DFID's strategy and how do you think it might be improved?

  Dr Saywell: The first question you asked was whether it had a coherent strategy and I think, looking through some of its recent papers, you can see that it is focusing on some of the major touchstones—governance, financing, inter-linkages and capacity building. However, I think there was a major watershed, in my opinion, in 2002 just after the World Summit on Sustainable Development when DFID restructured itself, and a lot of the impetus and momentum that went into water and sanitation was lost at that time. It has come back gradually since then but I think that that has impacted on the policy coherence of DFID, in my view.

  Q111  Chairman: What could they do now?

  Dr Saywell: There are three things that would spring to mind: have a coherent strategy around advocacy for water and sanitation; how do you get issues of sanitation at the top of the political agenda at a national level; how do you respond to advocacy; what are the practical technical strategies, advisory capacities, that DFID could be providing again at a national level; and, thirdly, maybe in terms of re-looking at one of its distinctive features which was its research and development capacity. In the past DFID had very large knowledge and research programmes which again I think have tended to wither. I think that was one of the things which gave DFID its distinctiveness compared to other bilateral agencies

  Professor Cairncross: I would like to support what Darren Saywell has said. I think part of the problem is that DFID tends to think of sanitation as an adjunct to water. If you look at the Water Action Plan that came out two years ago, look for the word "sanitation", it always appears as the second half of "water and sanitation". Sanitation, particularly for the poor, needs to be addressed in a rather different way from water supply. It needs to be disseminated in the same way as double glazing or conservatories or other home improvements. Even for the poor, we have to subsidise not the construction of latrines, not see sanitation systems as engineering structures, because the engineering task of building them is not a major problem, the problem is selling them. You would not ask the person who manufactured motor cars to sell motor cars; it is a different kind of skill to sell a product and to persuade people that they want it. If we want every latrine in the world to be a wanted latrine, to paraphrase the birth control people, then we need to improve our marketing, our market research—and not much market research tends to get done when you have a project that is mainly run by engineers and mainly seen as an adjunct to a large water supply construction project. I think it needs a different way of working. It needs more continuity in terms of relationships with local institutions. People often talk about sanitation as being something that involves sensitive cultural issues but, in a way, the most difficult cultural change to achieve is that of turning round municipal bureaucrats' perceptions of their role as being one of persecuting the informal sector, the small-scale builders who spend their time evading regulation, tax and building codes, and turning their role into one that is more supportive of the private sector—brokerage, promotion, marketing and so on. To achieve that kind of cultural change needs a long-term continuity of relationship; and DFID, working largely through short-term consultants and with projects that do not last more than four or five years pretty well at the maximum, is to some extent constrained by its own systems from doing that.

  Ms Webster: Building on the point that Professor Cairncross made, I think sometimes seeing water and sanitation too closely linked together can be problematic. The water team at DFID has put some excellent things on sanitation into some of their plans and strategies but, looking across the whole of DFID, that's not coming through consistently. If you look at the latest target strategy on health, sanitation seems to be very much missing from that. The joined-up thinking seems to be missing. I know that there is likely to be a new health strategy coming from DFID; it was due this autumn but I have heard it is has now been delayed until the spring. Seeing sanitation coming up very strongly in that strategy will help show a bit more joined-up thinking from DFID. And perhaps education as well. Obviously having sanitation in schools and having sanitation programmes, latrines and that kind of thing, are really important. To see that coming through in education strategies too I think is key. You asked what DFID are doing so far. Actually it is quite difficult to know what DFID are doing on sanitation so far. The fact that water and sanitation is seen as going hand in hand can be a useful principle; but, looking through the Water Action Plan updates and their submission to this Committee, the figures are quite vague. It is difficult to tell what money has been spent in which countries over what timescale. I know that the Environmental Audit Select Committee recently asked for more information to be available on DFID's website, and I think that could be really helpful; and a bit more detailed information about what actually is happening in country on sanitation; and not just what is going in but the outputs being achieved from that. The final point I want to make, and it is one that other witnesses have made, is that DFID maybe have some strong policy work in London but how does that relay at country level? Other people have mentioned that the number of infrastructure advisers in countries has actually been going down recently and infrastructure advisers tends to include water and sanitation. I know there are constraints on dealing with that issue, but perhaps by making sure health and education advisers at a country level are really mainstreaming sanitation into everything that DFID are doing at country level that is another improvement that could be made.

  Chairman: Just a summary. You all seem to have said that it is time to stop talking about "water and sanitation" and talk about "water" and "sanitation". That is quite a simple separation that does not link them together. I am sure they are two separate problems.

  Q112  Hugh Bayley: Could I start with Professor Cairncross. You seem to be saying to us that the need for cultural sensitivity is greatly overplayed and, frankly, has become an excuse for inaction, and unless there is a much greater action by state authorities in developing countries to drive forward a sanitation programme, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will not be met. Is that what you are saying?

  Professor Cairncross: Not quite. I think the need for cultural sensitivity is embodied in the need for market research—I put it that way. One needs to know, why do people want sanitation? What are the drivers of demand? Part of the problem of many sanitation programmes is the lack of demand. It is assumed that health is the main reason why people of low income want a latrine, because that is often the reason why the donor agency is interested in sanitation; but in fact other factors like prestige, convenience, protection from rape on the way to the communal defecation area and security, those factors are much more important drivers of demand. One needs to study those drivers, and to carry out that study one needs time and one needs a certain degree of cultural sensitivity of course. What I was arguing was the big cultural change is not so much the change from not using a latrine to having a latrine, but for officials not chasing small builders for their tax bills, or for building without land tenure, but to be more supportive of the informal sector; because it is the informal sector that builds low cost sanitation. Sanitation enjoyed by the poor has largely been built by illegal, unregistered, non-tax paying, small-scale masons. It is a major challenge to find out ways in which the state at a local level can work with them instead of working against them.

  Q113  Hugh Bayley: If you look back to our history in the 19th century, my understanding is that great municipal schemes of sewerage and sanitation changed the public health of this country enormously, in cities at any rate, and that approach is very different from yours which appears to be a consumer-driven approach which I can understand is maybe what you need to do in rural areas where big infrastructure will not provide solutions, but half of the developing world very soon will be living in cities. Is there a different approach needed in cities than in rural areas?

  Professor Cairncross: There are a number of important differences. As I was discussing with Laura just before we came in, in the francophone countries of West Africa you typically find coverage with sanitation of 90% in the major urban areas but very low in the rural areas, because your tenure of a plot of land depends on your having built a latrine on that plot and these rules are enforced. There are some other countries, some anglophone countries, for example Tanzania, where in urban areas enforcement of by-laws has ensured there is a reasonably good coverage but there is very deficient functioning of the sanitation systems. In Tanzania, in Dar-es-Salaam, for example, you will find pretty good coverage with sanitation but the latrines are all overflowing and falling in; and what is needed is better maintenance, better pit emptying mechanisms, which at the moment are only supplied again by the informal sector, and ways of working with them to improve the services which are on offer. In rural areas the demand is often affected by these cultural factors. Questions like land tenure, building codes and so on are less important. In urban areas the constraints are not primarily cultural. Most people want sanitation in urban areas for obvious reasons, but the constraints need study and they vary from city to city, and from shanty town to shanty town. They may relate to land tenure: landlords threatening to evict people and raise the rent, even if the tenant finances the latrine. Or there may be other constraints like a shortage of building materials that will take tension to cover a pit and make a floor.

  Q114  Hugh Bayley: Who are the key in-country development partners; who should do the marketing? When it is a matter of providing by-laws, who should take the lead; is it the local government, the health departments?

  Professor Cairncross: In urban areas certainly I would imagine it is local government; in rural areas it is probably also local government. It can be different government ministries. For example, I was talking recently to the DFID Senior Health Adviser who agreed that sanitation was important but did not see it at all as a function of the health sector; but felt that within DFID it is for the water people to deal with. I was arguing to him that the job of regulation and promotion (and let us not dirty one's fingers with construction issues, but just the business of promotion and regulation of the sanitation sector) very often can be discharged most efficiently by the health sector.

  Q115  Joan Ruddock: You have been describing initially how it was necessary to try to sell the product to the consumer or potential consumer. In much of what you have said you seem to be describing quite a complex policy package. How does that sit with donors who are moving away from programmatic schemes to budget support? Within budget support is it possible to deliver such complex packages?

  Professor Cairncross: I think it is difficult to do within the budgetary support framework, but there is a way in which donors can use advocacy to promote policy change, apart from their finance role or their funding role; because this, if you like, cultural change I am talking about, in terms of the management of sanitation programmes, does not need a lot of money. In fact we argue there are very strong programmatic reasons why one should not be subsidising sanitation for the poor; one should be subsidising not the construction or production but the promotion of the sanitation and that is not very expensive. One option might be to have a separate fund in a country office that could be used for advocacy, for small-scale pilot experiments possibly led by NGOs, to leave them to set up demonstration projects which can be shown to municipal officials to help change their point of view. It would have to be an adjunct to the budget support rather than a part of the budget support mechanism.

  Q116  Joan Ruddock: Could you give us an idea of what are the relative effects of different aid instruments? Is there a way in which—with programme support, sector wide approaches and budget support—you can make a comparison between those different types of delivery of aid by donors? Which, in your view, is going to produce the best results overall?

  Professor Cairncross: The experience of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers so far has not been very positive for the water sector. A number of countries' PRSPs have had pictures of smiling children under taps on the front cover. When one looks more closely at the budget one tends to find that 2% or less of the fund is devoted to the water sector. I suspect with the sector-wide approach and the budgetary support approach generally across ministries one is unlikely to be able through that mechanism to influence countries' policy. In the past UNICEF might be an example of an agency that has worked through governments but at the same time devoted some of its funding to NGOs and other local experiments and had a very powerful impact on much larger national programmes. A good example would be UNICEF's water and sanitation programme in India which, over 30 years, set the technical and institutional model for India's rural water programme which supplies now roughly one in 10 members of the human race, so it is a lot. Yet if you look at what UNICEF was investing it was less than 2 or 1% of what the Indian Government was investing in rural water programmes. It does not take a huge amount. It needs some presence in the field; some sign of activity and that does not necessarily mean DFID directly—although there might be a lot to be said for it; it could be entities funded by DFID apart from, on a very small scale and aside from its budgetary support role.

  Q117  Joan Ruddock: I think that is extremely interesting. One of the things which has worried us is most of us can see how you might produce these complex packages on a small scale and locally but how to scale up to meet the extent of the challenge which is so colossal in terms of sanitation. Obviously you are presenting a case that has been proven but over 30 years.

  Professor Cairncross: The important thing is designing the small-scale models in such a way they can be replicated so the DFID staff or their advisers who are going to be promoting these need to have always in mind the perspective for scalability of the model.

  Q118  Richard Burden: Given the emphasis you have put on market research and seeing the improvement on sanitation being a way of working out how to sell it, could I perhaps ask you to comment on the issues around handwashing with soap. All the evidence we have had so far indicates that could have a big impact but the statistics for those numbers of people who practise this is still very, very low. Where the programme has been most successful, we have had statistics in Ghana where the local Partnership for Handwashing with Soap, the success rate has gone up by 40% in mothers and 60% in children. I just wondered if I could get your take on that programme about the involvement of the private sector in it, and also whether you think there are any downsides to that partnership?

  Professor Cairncross: It is important to bear in mind that you cannot wash your hands if you do not have access to water. Valerie Curtis and myself did a literature review some years ago on handwashing with soap, and if you look at three of the 17 settings we looked at, three research projects where this is evaluated, where we had reason to believe there was a shortage of available water in the context, the impact was substantially less. If people do not have access to water then the handwashing promotion is going to have a limit. That to some extent addresses the downside question. There are limitations. I guess the limitation of the Global Coalition on Handwashing so far has been that the private sector has not invested a lot of money in the promotion, with one exception which I will come to. Generally speaking the model has been the Water and Sanitation Programme and the World Bank have funds for water and sanitation projects, and there is a hygiene promotion component and they are wondering how to spend it. That money has then been used to fund a private sector type generic promotion programme to promote handwashing, as in Ghana for example. It has been public funding and a lot of private expertise. I do not want to denigrate the contribution of the private sector because they put a huge amount of executive time into it, and executive time in a large private company is perhaps even more valuable than funds as a resource. The private sector expertise has greatly strengthened those initiatives. An added advantage has been that the market research has been put on the web so that the smaller companies, the local companies, can look over their shoulder and see how a big multinational does its market research; so it is a very useful capacity-building exercise for the other local participants in the coalition. Your question was: what is the potential? When a couple more national programmes have been carried out we may be able to get some evidence of the growth of the bar-soap market arising from these initiatives. If we can prove that to the private sector then they will be much more willing to devote their own resources to such generic or even branded advertising.

  Q119  Chairman: We are told waterless soaps have been used in emergency situations quite effectively but they are too expensive—these soaps that do not require any water?

  Professor Cairncross: Yes, they are rather more expensive so they are probably not a solution in the long-term but in emergency settings they can be used. It is not that the handwashing promotion takes the place of water; it should go with water supply programmes and there are lots of other reasons for water supply programmes. The big jackpot which I look to find in the next couple of years is if we can convince the big soap companies that they can expand their market by this kind of initiative then we will have convinced them and they will be willing to put in more resources and then you really will have self-sustaining hygiene promotion. That is the dream that we have but we have not quite reached it.


 
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