Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Quesitons 20-31)

MR BERNARD PETIT, MR RANIERI SABATUCCI AND MR ANDRÉ LIEBAERT

23 JANUARY 2007

  Q20  Chairman: So one Member State can leave it to another one to deliver?

  Mr Petit: No; the change is really important. I would like to make sure that everybody understands that. In the past we had this problem for years because the decisions are not decisions of the Commission, as you know. Within the Commission we were focusing on poverty in the least-developed countries only in the ACP field. Some other people in the Commission thought that for other regions we were not providing development assistance but economic co-operation, so they were not bound by all these political decisions on poverty. Now they are. Because the Consensus was important to Europe it was also very important within the Commission to have a common vision within the Commission, to have the same objective, the same way to allocate resources, focusing on the least-developed countries and in middle-income countries focusing on poor people. I always think, when some people think that for middle-income countries you must not provide development assistance but the private sector can do the trick, that if we do that there is a big risk that these middle-income countries will become low-income countries.

  Q21  Chairman: Or it may be, of course, that if they are middle-income they should be able to address those problems internally.

  Mr Petit: But they have a huge problem of social cohesion, they have a huge problem of poverty, so we have also to address this problem in middle-income countries, the poverty dimension.

  Q22  Mr Davies: On this matter is there not a confusion which you could easily avoid? There is a complete confusion in the public mind here between two policy areas which are two quite different policies. We have policies on all sorts of things in the Commission, policies on agriculture, policies on God knows what. You have a policy on neighbourhood countries, a policy on pre-accession countries and a policy on poverty alleviation in the Third World, but they are three quite separate policies. Poverty alleviation in the Third World is EuropeAid, which is Commission funds managed by the Commission, plus the EDF, which is the Cotonou agreement, Member State fund managed by the Commission. That all fits together. There should be complete coherence there and it is all run by your Directorate. You have contributed to the confusion by producing this Annual Report, which I have read with colleagues over breakfast, the thing that has Madame Ferrero-Waldner at the top and Louis Michel at the bottom[10]. I was quite struck by it, and it is contributing to this confusion. You should have two quite separate reports. You say, "What are we doing to help build stability in the near abroad, in the Western Balkans, in the Ukraine, in the Caucasus for political reasons so we have stable neighbours?", right? That is one quite different policy. It is important. We are all happy to pay our taxes for it. You should report on what you are doing. You should have another report on what you are doing to relieve third world poverty. That is my suggestion. What do you think about it?

  Mr Petit: I applaud this suggestion. If your point is to say that the structure to deliver and develop assistance within the Commission is not optimal I will agree with you entirely, because it is the only example in the world where you have two different departments dealing with development in different regions, the ACP and Asia/Latin America. This is not optimal.

  Q23  Mr Davies: I cannot tell you what confusion there is here, particularly in the UK. I am sure it happens elsewhere as well. It is just crazy. Can I come on to this co-ordination and alignment? I am so glad with the progress you are trying to make there. We have seen this sometimes in the countries we have visited in Africa. Sometimes on the ground it seems the co-ordination process or alignment is working quite well and sometimes it is not. I think it works quite well in Mozambique and Malawi, much less well in Tanzania, for example, just anecdotally, but it seems to me there ought to be protocols as to how you do this. As you said yourself, nothing is more crazy than to have 10 different member states plus the Commission having their own programmes, their own plans, trying to push the countries in a particular direction and then asking for 10 different monthly monitoring meetings, which completely screws up and exasperates everybody and you get nowhere at all. Should there not be on co-ordination and alignment some global protocol enforced from Brussels so that it is all agreed between the member states and the Commission in Brussels how this is done and then it is just done? That is question number one. Question number two on alignment of policy is that a great advantage of the Commission is that you have got trade and aid in the same Commission, the same bureaucracy is handling it, but you would not think so most of the time, and it does not seem to me that the aid has been brought into the discussions over the EPAs[11] to the extent that it should have been. There should have been a much more coherent, aligned process. This is perhaps the fault of Commissioner Mandelson whom we are seeing later on, but just to get your take on this before we see him, he is now in trouble because he is not going to achieve his deadline for negotiating his EPAs. My second question is, if there had been a more coherent, a more aligned approach by the Commission would it not have been more easy to achieve those EPAs within the desired timescale?

  Mr Petit: Yes, that is a very important question. On the first question, a protocol for co-ordination, since 1984 nearly every year we have had conclusions of the Council on how to strengthen co-ordination within the EU. We have all the elements and we still are producing papers and decisions of the Council but the problem is the political willingness to implement these conclusions. In the past it was not the case; today it is much more since the European Consensus on Development. A lot of work is at the moment in progress with the member states in particular on this concept of co-ordination and complementarity, meaning division of labour. We have a proposal from the Commission for the Council in March to have what you call a protocol on the way to strengthen co-ordination in the field, moving towards division of labour. Your second question is essential because, as you probably know but Mr Mandelson will tell you, there was a letter from the President of the ACP Council at the end of December asking for an extension of the delay for the negotiation, saying, "We are not ready". There was in addition a statement by the ACP Minister of Trade last week or 10 days ago saying, "We are not ready. You are pushing too far and you are not delivering on development assistance to help us in EPAs", exactly your point. Yesterday I had a meeting with one of the ACP negotiators and he thought that DG-Development and the development aspect of EPAs were not at all involved in this process, that everything was in the hands of Mr Mandelson and his services, which is not the case. The development dimension of EPAs means two things. It means, of course, resources to help them in the negotiation but going beyond that to cover the adjustment cost the day they liberalise.

  Mr Davies: That is right.

  Mr Petit: But which is not today. It will be—I do not know—15 years. To help them in initiating a supply response following deliberalisation process of the economy, they need to possess the required capacity and knowledge, to become more competitive, to improve their infrastructures and we need to support them in all these efforts. All the regional programmes of the 10th EDF are entirely devoted to supporting the EPA process, all of them, but the development dimension means also that in trade we are taking into account the development situation. What does that mean? That means first opening the market widely. We must open widely our market. That means deciding on a very long transition period so they can adapt. That means avoiding sending to these countries agricultural products of the Union which are subsidised. We have to discuss all that and the Commission will have a discussion on that in the following weeks, I think, because it is time to put on the table what we are really suggesting. Lastly, on the development aspect, it is not only the Commission with its own resources which can cover all the needs in terms of costs of adjustment, in terms of productivity and so on. The member states must come in. The member states on Aid for Trade have agreed to reach €1 billion every year on export trade from 2010. At the moment they are at the level of €300 million. They have to deliver on that also.

  Q24  Joan Ruddock: The criticism that is sometimes made is that these are EU-driven priorities and Cotonou was all about dialogue and developing joint ownership of strategies, and so it seems that perhaps there is an imbalance there in terms of the pressure that is being put on ACP countries.

  Mr Petit: I disagree with that. I do not like to disagree with you, but—

  Joan Ruddock: No, please—I am asking you a question and want to elicit an answer.

  Mr Petit: Okay; my answer is the following. What was the situation? You had in Lomé, as you know, this system of preferences for many reasons. We had to change, so when we were negotiating Cotonou with our partners we said, "How can we change? What is the best solution in order, one, to be compatible with WTO[12], and, two, to give the same or possibly better access for ACP products in the EU market?", so we decided on EPAs in 2000. We are now in 2007 and the ACP countries say, seven years after, "You put too much pressure on us, we have no time, we have been unable to adapt", and so on. It was not to push the aggressive interests of Europe but a goal to save the benefits for the ACP. This is today the situation. If we are negotiating with the US or Japan we have aggressive interests, but not with the ACP.

  Q25 Joan Ruddock: Why do you think they cannot see that then, if you are so confident that you are right?

  Mr Petit: They are not seeing that. In the discussion I had yesterday with this negotiator it was exactly on this point. He said to me, "Well, you should discuss much more with my colleagues because we have the feeling that you want this aggressive interest and that only trade is managing that", and probably when development is part and parcel of this negotiation we are behind trade because they are in the lead, but when you discuss with these people only in development terms they understand a bit what we are doing. In particular the purpose is not to have a free trade area. The purpose is to help these countries build their regional markets because it is there that they can develop, and then the relationship with the EU, because we need to be compatible with WTO, but a lot of questions are still on the table. Market access is one. It is very important.

  Q26  Ann McKechin: I think there is some concern about the potential decrease in funding on education and health in the 10th EDF and your policy is that you are going to give this money instead to general budget support. To what extent is this going to translate to adequate spending in these two key areas of development?

  Mr Petit: There are several elements in that. It is a concern if you look only statistically in the draft country strategy paper for the 10th EDF that resource for health and education is seen to have decreased. I have expressed myself this concern. The answer to that situation is two-fold. The first answer is that we are working in terms of complementarity. The Commission cannot do everything everywhere. You have the member states, so if education is adequately covered by others in a given country there is no point in the Commission adding resources to that, but, secondly, we have this budgetary support focus on health and education. It is not enough. This is the reason why in the Commission we are working on this concept of MDG contracts precisely to cover much more adequately at our level health and education, but this is a concern. There was a question on trade which, I am sorry, I have not answered previously, on coherence. The Consensus put a huge emphasis on coherence. Things are not going to change overnight but we are working a lot and there will be a report this year on coherence for which we have sent a questionnaire to all the member states, "How are you dealing in your country with coherence? What are the instruments you have to deal with coherence?" They will answer that and we will issue a report which is a kind of political peer pressure on some member states who do not care at all, and I have some in mind.

  Q27  James Duddridge: What has been the impact of the Strategy for Africa, and specifically what has the EU been doing to ensure that the African Union and African countries develop their capacity rather than the Strategy being more about the EU projecting its own priorities?

  Mr Petit: The impact has been huge, not only because we have now an EU Africa Strategy but because we believe in the African Union, which is so different from the Organisation of African Unity in the past, if you remember. We are developing a huge programme with the African Union. We have put in a lot of resources, for the moment €55 million, and I do not mention the peace facility, for instance, and we are providing resources. I am not mentioning governance, which is the peer review mechanism also within the African Union and NEPAD[13], which is very important. We have developed the dialogue with them a lot and for the first time in history the Commission went for a meeting in Addis Ababa with the Commission of the African Union. This is important. Why? Because up to now dealing with Africa was something for development people, DG Development, who are in discussions with Africa. The President of the Commission and eight Commissioners went there. Eight Commissioners, including Mr Mandelson, went there to discuss it with their colleagues. That means that now we are thinking in terms of development policy; we are not thinking in terms of DG Development but in terms of all the Commission services and this is part and parcel of the coherence aspect because coherence is not only to check if the internal policies are not undermining development policy; it is also to find positive synergies between the other internal policies and development policy because we have a lot to learn from the other policies—from research, from education, from migration and so on. The impact has been huge.

  Q28 Chairman: I do not know whether you are able to help. We are doing a water and sanitation inquiry and we have taken evidence from the Commission, but one of the problems that has been thrown up in this basically is that in spite of the increasing commitments to help deliver the MDGs on water and sanitation all the international agencies seem to be reducing their technical capacity to do it. Is that the case with the Commission?

  Mr Petit: I have my specialist on water and sanitation, Mr Liebaert, who, if you do not mind, will answer your question.

  Q29  Chairman: Basically, can we look to the EU to help or not?

  Mr Liebaert: The situation is that water and sanitation is not prioritised by as many countries as we would expect, even as a result of the EU Water Initiative, which was a very strong political statement in 2002. We still do not see water and sanitation being sufficiently prioritised as a demand by the countries, so that calls for reviving this political process and targeting the countries where it is still weak.

  Q30  Chairman: But that really means that you are expecting the member states to raise their game?

  Mr Liebaert: This is a matter of political will. The Commission by establishing a water facility and resourcing it with half a billion euros has made an effort. In terms of our technical capacity, we are not under dimension, but we need to reduce or increase our capacity response by relating it to the demand. We aim at possessing this capacity in the area of water and sanitation whenever there is a demand. What we can see, and I think this is the most important part, is that in the countries where water was an important subject it has been reinforced. In countries where it was weak it is still weak and it is still absent, so I think there needs to be proactive action on these countries to push and maybe include water and sanitation in the MDG contract.

  Q31  Chairman: That is a helpful comment towards our report. Can I thank you once again for your engagement with us. We value it very much, and I am quite sure that there will be a time that DFID and the European Commission will have more common ground and we will have more reason perhaps to exchange views more often, but I appreciate the fact that we have been able to do it once again and I look forward to the next occasion when we can meet yourself and perhaps Mr Michel next time too. Thank you very much.

  Mr Petit: Thank you very much and we are looking forward to seeing you next year.


10   European Commission, Annual Report 2006 on theEuropean Community's Development Policy and the Implementation of External Assistance in 2005 http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/reports/europeaid_annual_report_2006_full_version_en.pdf Back

11   Economic Partnership Agreements. Back

12   World Trade Organization. Back

13   The New Partnership for Africa's Development. Back


 
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