Select Committee on Public Administration Ninth Report


5  THE INFLUENCE OF MINISTERS

Ministerial Leadership

130. Questions of Civil Service performance cannot be considered in a vacuum. Performance depends on a number of factors, not just capability; and the elements we have looked at are not enough to ensure the right outcomes. Ultimately, civil servants work for ministers. Though they can advise ministers on policy design, and may in practice have considerable discretion in the implementation of policies, civil servants do not decide on their departments' strategies. They are not, ultimately, the leaders of government. Nor should they be: they have no electoral mandate.

131. The corollary of this is that the skills needed by the permanent members of government—the officials—have to complement the skills of the elected members of government whom they serve. The obvious difficulty with this is that if it is hard to pinpoint the skills needs of entire departments, it is harder still to define the skills needed to be a good minister—not least because there is no single model, and no arbiter to make that judgement. Our particular democratic system limits the pool from which ministers can be drawn, and obviously does not use the same competence-based selection processes as for civil servants. In consequence, there is no reason to expect (as there might be in some parts of the Civil Service) that successive appointees to the same post will have the same skills.

132. Our recent report into Ministers and Civil Servants has already demonstrated how difficult it is to disentangle the respective responsibilities of the two.[96] Nonetheless, ministers do from time to time look to set out their job descriptions. Rt Hon John Reid MP, for example, told the Home Affairs Committee when he was Home Secretary that:

    It is not my job to manage this Department—it is my job to lead this Department, to set a policy, to give the leadership, to give the strategic direction; managers are there to micro-manage it and, as they expect competence from me, I expect competence from them.[97]

Yet Baroness Shephard told us something very different:

    At the very least they (ministers) should satisfy themselves that parts of the department are being run properly by examining what is being done; by looking at objectives to see if they are being realised; by—if it really gets to the ridiculous—testing help lines to see if there is anybody on the other end. You really do have to.[98]

133. There are clearly different expectations, even within politics, of what a minister should do. There are also a wide variety of ministerial roles—leading giant organisations like the Department for Work and Pensions is a hugely different job to being Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, with only 150 staff of your own. Junior ministers also have very different roles and responsibilities from Cabinet ministers.

134. Any number of considerations will be taken into account when Prime Ministers name their ministerial teams. Some new ministers will have sector-specific knowledge from experience outside politics; some may have shadowed their brief while in opposition; some will have specialised in specific areas on entering Parliament; and some will even have ministerial experience within the department. But it is inevitable that ministers will not always be appointed to posts because they are judged to have the right skills to lead their specific department. There are other valid factors to consider, whether that is the individual's ideological position, the confidence they command from their party colleagues, or their performance at the despatch box. Baroness Shephard was very clear:

    It does seem to me—and I have always thought this, I must say—that the political process and the whole system of reshuffling and preferment and reward for loyalty and all of this thing is an HR-free zone. It just is. You cannot be surprised if it does not always work because there are other considerations. That ought to be understood by civil servants.[99]

135. Yet even if civil servants may understand that government is an "HR-free zone", it does not necessarily make it any easier for them to work around it. We have already cited Nick Raynsford's evidence that, in his view, "the areas where there was a continuity, both a ministerial continuity and an official continuity, tended to be the areas where you had the greatest strengths".[100] We have discussed the need at times for greater official continuity; but some witnesses suggested there was also a need for greater ministerial continuity. Mr Raynsford certainly thought so:

    Inevitably, a new minister coming in is going to look at "What new can we do to make an impact?" because they have their reputation. If there is a culture where they are assumed to have to make their mark within a year or two in order to move on and up, they are going to want to do something quickly. The last thing they are going to want to do is to focus on maintaining a programme that is going to take ten years to produce results when they will not be there to get the benefit and the praise. That, I think, is an insidious culture.[101]

He gave us the example of the housing sector, where he felt there had been an "extraordinary succession" of housing ministers under both parties, in an area where "programmes that are essential to tackle the longstanding problems, such as the poor condition of a lot of the public sector housing stock, require long-term commitments".[102]

136. Mr Raynsford told us that one year in post is rapidly becoming the norm for ministers. We are not sure that the picture is quite as bleak as that. House of Commons Library research suggests that the average tenure of a ministerial post under the current Government has been 1.7 years, and that for Cabinet posts this goes up to 2.2 years—some way short of the Senior Civil Service median of 2.7 years. Nonetheless, Rt Hon Hilary Armstrong MP was right to point out that:

    I have been in government now for nearly 10 years and I am only in my third job. Nick was working with me in what was then DETR and he remained in virtually that same job throughout his ministerial career … so there are some ministers who change frequently and other ministers who do not change.[103]

137. There certainly are some ministers who change frequently. Dr Reid famously served in seven roles in seven years, while the number of Ministers for Europe since the Labour Government was elected in 1997 has occasioned much public comment. Charles Clarke was critical of this turnover:

    Changing Europe Ministers frequently is a terrible mistake, particularly that job. If you talk about stakeholders, the range of contexts across European politics which the individual has is an absolutely prize asset, which is why many countries have foreign secretaries who are very long-standing because those networks are very important.[104]

However, he did not accept the suggestion that, in general, the issue of turnover was not considered:

    I think there is a very, very intense process that goes on around any reshuffle where a significant number of people around the Prime Minister, including the Senior Civil Service, including his own private office, including Cabinet colleagues, including whips talk about these things. The question is what weight is given finely in the judgment to exactly what you implied about the rotation of Europe Ministers versus other considerations, what Gillian [Baroness Shephard] describes as "political considerations", or whatever.[105]

138. We agree with Mr Clarke. The question is whether human resources considerations are given enough weight in comparison with political considerations. We note the belief of all of our witnesses that such considerations should be given more weight. Nick Raynsford remarked on the lack of systematic performance appraisal of ministers, while Charles Clarke noted that some Secretaries of State do not even hold regular meetings of their ministerial teams. The disciplines of management so drilled into civil servants are not necessarily all appropriate for ministers; but some of them surely are.

139. Government does not have to be an entirely HR-free zone. The Prime Minister must bear in mind when managing ministerial moves that these can have a significant effect on Civil Service performance.

140. As well as the turnover of ministers, the turnover of ministries can have a significant impact on Civil Service performance. We have discussed this in detail in our recent report into Machinery of Government Changes.[106] In that report we called for a parliamentary check on the Prime Minister's power to alter departmental boundaries. Such a check would be one more step towards enshrining principles of good governance.

Ministerial Training

141. So far in this chapter we have made recommendations which we believe would create a slightly more stable environment for civil servants to work in—which can only be beneficial to their ability to discharge their duties. Nonetheless, we recognise that some degree of volatility in structure and key personnel will always be part of the political environment. We also recognise that it is inevitable that some ministers will have little or no experience of leading large organisations, or little sector-specific knowledge. The Civil Service needs to work around that; but this does not mean that ministers cannot themselves do more to mitigate its effects. One key way of managing this is providing appropriate training for ministers.

142. Historically, Britain does not provide its ministers with much in the way of formal training. Baroness Shephard described what happened when she first became a minister:

She went on to say that some more training would have been useful in her case.

143. Change, however, is afoot. The Government has recognised that training for ministers is beneficial to good government; Hilary Armstrong has written to us that "it has become increasingly anomalous that Ministers do not have access to a professional development programme".[108] To address that anomaly, Ms Armstrong was working (before the change of Prime Minister) in conjunction with other ministers, primarily Rt Hon Baroness Amos and Rt Hon Des Browne MP, and with the National School of Government, to expand the opportunities for professional development available to ministers. Recent events have included induction seminars for new ministers, a two-day leadership event for Parliamentary Secretaries and Whips, group workshops and individual briefing sessions. The Cabinet Office has provided us with some details of ministerial learning and development since May 2005, which we append to this report.[109]

144. Turnout on some of the events organised by the National School appears to have been reasonably impressive; for example, 32 ministers have attended financial and risk management seminars since May 2005, and 32 attended the leadership event for Parliamentary Secretaries in 2006.[110] We do not, of course, know how many ministers attended events of this nature before May 2005. We also know that departments do provide varying degrees of induction to ministers who are new in post, and of course it is inevitable that a great deal of learning is done on the job.

145. Nonetheless there is much that the learning and development programme does not cover. There is very little, for example, on generic management. The FDA have told us that there ought to be a fully fleshed out programme:

    Ministers are no different to any other individual in a work environment in that the needs will differ from person to person. For some, for example, even basic IT training might be appropriate whilst for others tactful assistance in interpersonal skills might be beneficial.[111]

One suggestion that has been made to us is that while ministers are willing to be trained in technical matters, there is a stigma around attending too much training, especially in areas such as interpersonal skills; admitting a need is seen as a sign of weakness. Again, we cite the evidence of the FDA, who told us that there seems to have been an unhelpful culture historically in that ministers felt reluctant to publicly acknowledge that they were participating in such training and development. They contrast this with Sir Gus O'Donnell, who they say has been "proud to acknowledge" that he continued to take part in personal development programmes and take advantage of mentoring and coaching since his appointment as Cabinet Secretary.[112]

146. When we spoke to former ministers, they denied that there was any such stigma. Charles Clarke told us that some ministers were resistant to training, but that he did not think this was very general.[113] Nick Raynsford elaborated on this point:

    I do not think stigma is the problem. I think the problem is the lack of a culture being inculcated from the top, encouraging and indeed requiring ministers to take part in appropriate training events. Secondly, it is the timetable to which most ministers work, where pressures are enormous and it is very easy to commit yourself in advance to something and then on the day to say, "I really cannot justify this because there are so many other pressing requirements of time".[114]

He cited the example of a training session he had been invited to speak at, in around the year 2001, where he had prepared to discuss with colleagues what he had learned from the experience of piloting the Greater London Authority Bill through the House. A number of people signed up, and Mr Raynsford told us that he "put quite a lot of effort" into drawing out lessons for new ministers, but in the event only one turned up on the day. The others bowed out, citing work pressures.

147. We should not overrate the value of formal training; all the former ministers we spoke to agreed that spending longer in posts was more important. Mr Clarke was particularly candid:

    Changing government departments frequently for ministers is, in my opinion, a very, very bad thing indeed and has been a very significant problem in some areas. But I do not think that is just about the training. You have to be a very, very, very talented individual to get hold of your department, if it is a major department, in less than about a year.[115]

Nonetheless, there appeared to be consensus that a new culture of public commitment to training needed to be inculcated. Mr Raynsford also made the related point that "encouraging a culture where people learn from each other's successes and failures would help to improve the quality of ministerial performance".[116] He talked about encouraging exit interviews with ministers leaving posts, to learn from their experiences—something that the Government has no plans to do—and he talked about systematic performance appraisal for ministers, which he found to be absent from the current system. We would be interested to see any of this at work.

148. One final observation of Mr Raynsford was of great interest:

    I was very struck in international meetings how many ministers from other countries are appointed on the basis of their technical expertise in the area in which they have responsibility rather than simply because of political background. We have a culture which rightly emphasises the importance of political accountability to Parliament, and that means the overwhelming majority of ministers come into the job without any technical expertise in the area that they are responsible for. I think, in a sense, that emphasises the importance of making sure that there is consideration of their managerial skills and that there is some support and training to help them fulfil those roles.[117]

149. Our witnesses made a compelling case for more professional development for ministers. We are heartened that the Government has already accepted this case, and we are pleased to see the efforts being made in this direction by several ministers in conjunction with the National School. These efforts go against the historical grain, and so should be applauded.

150. There is more, however, that could be done to professionalise the ministerial side of the business of government. We would be interested to see some of the ideas discussed in our evidence sessions put into practice, if only on a trial basis. Exit interviews to find how the support given to ministers had in fact met their needs seem eminently sensible. Systematic performance appraisal is a worthwhile discipline. We see no reason why the Government could not adopt these and other, similar approaches.

151. Above all, though, it is the culture of commitment to professional development that needs to be inculcated among ministers. We have spoken much in this report about how ministers require a professional Civil Service, and how that can be achieved; but it is a truism that leaders of an organisation should not expect that which they are not prepared to give. Both ministers and civil servants should be equipped with the right skills for their differing roles.


96   Public Administration Select Committee, Third Report of Session 2006-07, Politics and Administration: Ministers and Civil Servants, HC 122 Back

97   Home Affairs Committee, Fifth Report of Session 2005-06, Immigration Control, HC 775-iii, Q 866 Back

98   Q 179 Back

99   Q 187 Back

100   Q 211 Back

101   Q 188 Back

102   Q 188 Back

103   Public Administration Select Committee, The Work of the Cabinet Office, 6 March 2007, HC (2006-07) 305-ii, Q 105 Back

104   Q 201 Back

105   Q 201 Back

106   Public Administration Select Committee, Seventh Report of Session 2006-07, Machinery of Government Changes, HC 672 Back

107   Q 184 Back

108   Public Administration Select Committee, The Work of the Cabinet Office, 6 March 2007, HC (2006-07) 305-ii, Ev 18 Back

109   Appendix 2 Back

110   As above Back

111   Ev 82 Back

112   Ev 82 Back

113   Q 184 Back

114   Q 184 Back

115   Q 187 Back

116   Q 192 Back

117   Q 216 Back


 
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