House of Commons - Work and Pensions

Select Committee on Work and Pensions Third Report

9 Ethnic Minorities

271. The current employment rate for people from ethnic minorities is 60.5%.[316] The evidence we received from the Centre for Economic and Social Inclusion (Inclusion) suggested that it is approaching the overall employment rate only slowly: "Ethnic minority employment rates are rising, but on current trends will only reach 65% by 2016. The upward trend is slow and erratic, with marked variations between years and between ethnic groups. The 'ethnic penalty' remains high and in the foreseeable future [the gap] will not close sufficiently to claim success. It is likely that there will have to be more radical proposals to tackle discrimination and the performance of employment support for ethnic minorities."[317]

Figure 5: The employment rate of ethnic minorities, the overall rate, and the gap between the two[318]

272. The Minister for Employment and Welfare Reform, Mr Jim Murphy, told us that progress was being made:

"There has been a general view that to close the ethnic minority employment gap the previous analysis from about 2003 was it would take a century based on the fact that there had been about a 3% improvement over two decades. The analysis now is much more optimistic, but it is not at a level that any of us would be satisfied with. The current analysis would be it would take about 30 years or so to close the gap […] Do we have to do more? Yes, that is the case on all the things that we are talking about today."[319]

273. The PSA target for ethnic minorities is, by 2008, to increase the employment rate and decrease the gap between it and the overall employment rate "significantly," meaning by at least 1%. The DWP is on course to meet this target.[320] Amanda Ariss of the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) told us, "[w]e welcome the fact that there is a target […] but the target could be quite a bit more precise. I suspect one of the reasons why it is not is that there is not very much data […] the pattern is hugely different [for men, women and members of different ethnic groups], and a target that just merges everybody together is not likely to be tremendously illuminating." The EOC has recently published a report: Moving on up? Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Black Caribbean women and work.[321] Table 2: Employment by ethnicity: GB (000s; All of working age (16-59/64))

Male 16-64
Level Rate
Female 16-59
Level Rate
All aged 16-59/64
Level Rate

British 12,228 79.3% 10,457 72.6% 22,685 76.1%

Other White 828 81.1% 692 70.6% 1,520 75.9%

White and Black Caribbean 31 69.7% 28 55.4% 58 62.1%

White and Black African 14 80.3% 12 56.7% 27 67.4%

White and Asian 24 63.0% 24 72.3% 48 67.3%

Other Mixed 24 73.9% 24 63.3% 48 68.1%

Indian 341 79.1% 242 63.5% 584 71.8%

Pakistani 168 67.3% 65 26.2% 233 46.8%

Bangladeshi 52 56.8% 20 22.3% 73 39.6%

Other Asian 99 70.6% 77 51.7% 175 60.8%

Black Caribbean 122 70.8% 139 64.0% 261 67.0%

Black African 150 69.3% 140 57.0% 290 62.8%

Other Black 8 66.3% 11 56.9% 19 60.4%

Chinese 48 62.7% 44 51.3% 92 56.6%

Other 198 64.7% 139 46.8% 338 55.9%

Total 14,738 78.4% 12,449 70.0% 27,187 74.3%

ONS, Labour Force Survey, Apr-Jun 2006

Targeted provision

274. The DWP has recently reduced its provision targeted specifically at people from ethnic minorities. The Ethnic Minority Outreach initiative (EMO) was launched in 2002, with the aim of supporting "jobless people from ethnic minority groups who needed help in making the transition into employment [...] engaging people, moving them closer to the labour market and promoting higher employment rates within ethnic minority communities."[322] A DWP evaluation report found that the EMO pilot, which ran from 2002 to 2004, had been successful in moving people towards the labour market, although the people who had been out of work for the shortest time were the most likely to get jobs. The report found that members of groups which were less likely to use Jobcentre Plus services, such as Indian, Pakistani, Chinese, Turkish and Kurdish people, were more likely to take up the EMO scheme.

275. The scheme worked by taking Jobcentre Plus and other available services out into the community, in "nonthreatening and user-friendly venues" and using television, radio and the internet. Workers were recruited from within the targeted communities, and the report describes the benefits of this: workers "had an intimate knowledge of the employment issues faced, spoke community languages, worked in ways which respected cultural sensitivities, and [their] personal commitment often far exceeded their contractual obligations".[323] Our predecessor Committee noted in a Report:

"After years of a lack of progress, the Committee acknowledges the steps forward that have recently been made in increasing the ethnic minority employment rate and the initiatives that have contributed to this. It is crucial that DWP continues with the initiatives it has been pursuing, such as the EMO project and targeting resources on areas with high concentrations of minority ethnic groups and high unemployment. The Department should also conduct a full evaluation. DWP must not become complacent about the progress needed to reduce the gap between the ethnic minority employment rate and the overall rate."[324]

276. However, the EMO has now been wound up, and its funding incorporated into the Deprived Areas Fund. This Fund was announced by the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, John Hutton, in May 2006:

"We're creating a new £90 million Deprived Areas Fund which pools together money from the Action Teams, Ethnic Minority Outreach and Working Neighbourhoods Pilots that are coming to a close. This new fund will be more strongly focussed on - and give more money to - the most disadvantaged parts of the country. It will give each District the flexibility to decide the type of support which would be most effective in meeting the needs of the local area, whilst ensuring value for money."[325]

277. Alan Christie of the Commission for Racial Equality told us that one reason why the EMO had been successful was "because it is delivered largely by community organisations to the community which is being served, so there is an inherent understanding of the needs of the population being served by the people who are delivering the policy […] Therefore, it is worrying, the thought that EMO is going away and is being absorbed into a much more generalised initiative which will not have the same ability to target that the EMO programme has."[326]

278. So far as we are aware, the Deprived Areas Fund does not include a prescribed focus on the needs of people from ethnic minorities. Wayne Shand of the Local Government Association and Manchester City Council told us that DAF money had not yet been released: "We are still awaiting the final decision from Government on the Deprived Areas Fund, but it is intended that that money will be pooled alongside other resources."[327] Because the allocation of DAF funding has been delayed, we recommend that areas should be allowed to roll this year's allocation over into the next financial year, rather than being required to spend it by the end of the current financial year.

279. DAF will be centrally procured, which may mean that small local private, voluntary sector or community organisations will find it more difficult to secure funding. As we have seen above, the use of local providers was important in the success of the EMO, and it is important that this should be carried forward as part of the DAF. (Centralised procurement for Jobcentre Plus is considered further in Chapter 6, on the Cities Strategy.) The Secretary of State for Work and Pensions said in a speech in May 2006 that "in City Strategy Pathfinder areas, this money [the DAF] will be seed-corn money over which the Consortia will have complete control and total flexibility to use."[328] However, we were told by the Minister of State for Employment and Welfare Reform that all Jobcentre Plus procurement was to be centralised.[329]

280. The Ethnic Minority Advisory Group (a body made up of prominent employers from ethnic minority backgrounds which has been set up by the DWP and advises its Ethnic Minority Employment Taskforce) expressed concern at the winding up of the Ethnic Minority Outreach Fund: "We have seen successful initiatives like the Ethnic Minority Outreach Programme being scrapped and a new City Strategy and Deprived Areas Fund put in place, which have no specific remit when it comes to ethnic minorities. Over a period of five years the Ethnic Minority Outreach programme put over 10,000 people into jobs."[330] We hope that the end of the Ethnic Minority Outreach programme does not demonstrate a reduced commitment on the part of the DWP to improving employment opportunities for this group.

281. Evidence suggests that the Ethnic Minority Outreach programme was working well at improving employment opportunities for people from ethnic minorities, using small local organisations. Since this is to be replaced by the Deprived Areas Fund, we will want to see evidence that organisations contracted to administer the Deprived Areas Fund are working with small local groups to reach the same clientele as the Ethnic Minority Outreach programme did. It is important that the focus on offering employment services to people from ethnic minorities should not be lost, either in Cities Strategy areas or other areas. We recommend that Cities Strategy consortia, or, in those areas receiving DAF which are not Cities Strategy pathfinder areas, Jobcentre Plus District Managers be given control of DAF funding, so that they can contract directly with local organisations, instead of having to go through centralised procurement.

282. The proportion of people from ethnic minorities living in cities is higher than elsewhere. The DWP's new Cities Strategy (which is discussed in more detail in Chapter 6) would therefore seem to be a good opportunity to raise the employment rate of these groups. However, the Cities Strategy allows consortia to set their own priorities for action, with only a focus on reducing child poverty being compulsory.[331] There is, therefore, a risk that not all areas will focus on improving the employment opportunities of people from ethnic minorities.

283. Cay Stratton, of the National Employment Panel, told us that she would expect to see a focus on ethnic minorities: "any City Strategy proposal or business plan which came forward from a community which had a large number of ethnic minorities in it and did not address how they were reaching that, certainly there would be questions."[332] We agree that the Cities Strategy represents an important opportunity to improve the employment opportunities available to people from ethnic minorities, and it should not be wasted. We expect to see that those of the 15 Cities Strategy pilot areas which have significant ethnic minority populations have given a high priority to addressing ethnic minority unemployment in their plans; the DWP should monitor this, and report back to the Committee on this point in six and twelve months' time. The Department should also, in its response to this report, set out its plans to ensure that the focus of, and lessons learned from, the EMO are taken forward outside the Cities Strategy areas.

Community Engagement

284. Community engagement, such as that included in the EMO, is an important part of addressing low employment among ethnic minority communities. On a visit to New Zealand in December 2006, committee members met the managers of the Pacific Waves programme, which had met its target of halving the unemployment rate among people from the Pacific Islands living in the Auckland region over two years.[333] We heard that a key part of this strategy was involvement of community leaders, including those from the church, and of project managers and workers drawn from the Pacific community.

285. Cay Stratton of the National Employment Panel told us that employment support needed to be sensitive to different expectations among different communities:

"it is very important to understand where people are starting from […] understanding an individual's aspirations, their aptitude, their skills and starting-point is critical, because that defines where they want to end up. For Pakistani and Bangladeshi women, for example, the right job for them is probably a safe job, it is culturally comfortable and, probably like any single parent, the same kinds of interest in a flexible workplace; whereas, for many Afro-Caribbean young men, something that looks much more like an apprenticeship kind of programme, leading to a proper job, if you will, with a lot of support built into that. It is being able to customise your outreach and customise the provision you are getting."[334]

286. On its visit to Glasgow, the committee visited the Ethnic Minority Enterprise Centre in Pollockshields, an area of high unemployment. Staff and service users there told us that local residents from ethnic minorities sometimes had preconceived ideas about the sorts of jobs they would go into, which did not fit the demands of the local labour market. This could prevent them from undertaking the sort of skills training which would allow them to find work. A useful way to tackle this might be broader use of the Fair Cities approach, which was discussed in chapter 4.

287. The DWP has recently announced that it intends to invite faith groups to play a larger role in delivering welfare services. The Minister for Employment and Welfare Reform, Jim Murphy, said:

"I want to see a greater role for faith based groups in UK welfare delivery. If we are to successfully tackle problems like poverty, long-term unemployment and benefit dependency then we need to ensure that people have access to the services and support that the welfare state offers. I believe that faith based groups offer an invaluable link into communities and individuals who may at first be reluctant or unsure of how to engage with the state and the programmes that are there to help them."[335]

288. The importance of community outreach was underlined by Cay Stratton, from the National Employment Panel, who told us: "we have learned that outreach in the community is essential and it is essential, by and large, not by government agencies but by community-based organisations that the groups are trying to reach, have connection with, that those organisations are credible with those groups."[336]

289. Cay Stratton told us that employment services could be made more accessible to some people from ethnic minorities by delivering them in settings which they were already using for another reason: for instance, "for women who speak either no English or not fluent English, who normally are associated with a mosque or community health facilities or a childcare centre, provision delivered there, in a setting which is safe and where they are doing something else" would be helpful.[337]

English as a Second Language

290. In some areas there is a shortage of ESOL provision. A report by the Chief Inspector of the Adult Learning Inspectorate found that "[a] shortage of ESOL tutors with appropriate expertise persists in large cities. The shortage is also becoming more acute in some of the rural areas now attracting migrant workers from the Accession States of the European Union. The dearth of suitably qualified tutors contributes to a lack of suitable provision to meet this new demand […]."[338]

291. The DfES announced in October that the existing entitlement to free ESOL training up to Level 2 was to be removed. From August, only those in receipt of income related benefits or the higher rates of Working Tax Credits will be able to receive free training.[339] The ALI report finds that the exclusion of entry-level skills from Government skills targets is a contributing factor to this lack of ESOL provision:

"A serious concern is the exclusion of entry levels 1 and 2 from the government's targets for Skills for Life. For many learners, particularly recent arrivals in England and learners with little previous formal education, learning at these levels is paramount. Providers increasingly cite a need to concentrate on meeting national targets as justification for significantly reducing the provision they make at these levels."[340]

292. The opportunity to acquire or improve English skills can be an important step towards entering work for some members of ethnic minorities. We recommend that a higher priority be given to making ESOL training available to those people from ethnic minorities for whom it would increase their chances of finding work, and that the Government monitor the success of this provision.

Discrimination

293. Witnesses agreed that discrimination was a problem for people from ethnic minorities. Cay Stratton told us "[t]here is no question that ethnic minorities experience disadvantage in the labour market, and one of the things which is particularly worrying is that does not change a lot in the second generation. We have something called the Ethnic Penalty, […] when you factor out skills, employment, work experience, you still find a penalty, which is part of the 15%gap. One of the things the Business Commission is trying to do is trying to quantify how much of that can be attributed to private sector or employer discrimination.[341] We think it is about 30%, which is substantial; we do not know that."[342]

294. Alan Christie of the Commission for Racial Equality agreed that employer discrimination was a significant problem, although it was hard to measure precisely:

"It is very difficult to quantify what employer discrimination exists; how do we measure it? […] 85% of Asians and 82% of Black people continue from school into some form of further and higher education, compared with 69% of white people; yet […] only 4%BME employees are in work training programmes as against 10% white employees […] There may be many reasons, but you have got to think that there might be some element of differential expectation, or differential perception, between different groups of people […] if we go back to the Outreach programme, 22 % of jobseekers in that programme who did not get a job felt that the reason they were not getting the job was because they had been racially discriminated against. 50% of all of the BME people within that programme felt that they had experienced some form of discrimination for the last five years."[343]

295. Amanda Ariss of the EOC told us that women from ethnic minorities faced particular problems: "there are a lot of ethnic minority women who are reporting that they feel they have experienced racism at work, and in fact some ethnic minority women say they are more likely to report experiencing sexism at work than white women […] [they are] much more likely than white women to be asked at job interviews about their plans for family and children, or to be asked what their partner thinks of them working."[344]

296. We were told that employer discrimination against people from ethnic minorities could be based on misconceptions about their likely circumstances, preferences and abilities. Amanda Ariss of the EOC told us: "We are finding particularly young women are telling us that they are very ambitious, that they worked hard at school, they have gone to university, they really want a career, they want a family too but they want to combine those; they are just as ambitious and aspirational as young white women. Employers tend to think […] that here is a group of women who will not speak English very well and who will be very nervous, so there is a big gap between those perceptions."[345]

297. Cay Stratton said employers needed to do more to improve their equal opportunities policies: "[i]f you look at companies, most companies, around 75%, right now, have some kind of formal equal opportunities policy; only 25% monitor against those. Only 10%, I think it is, monitor promotion policies and only five look at pay, whether pay is equitable […] a lot recruit the way they have always done for the last 20 years and they get the same white men they always have."[346]

298. Shrupti Shah of the National Employment Panel told us that the Fair Cities programme could work on improving equal opportunities policies once they had built up a good relationship with an individual employer: "[w]e are working with them actually to look in detail at their recruitment practices, but we are only in a position to do that once we have credibly delivered sound people for them and actually helped contribute to their business objectives."[347] Cay Stratton told us, "[w]hen we are inside a company, looking at the kinds of job qualifications, we are also asking why they have got those qualifications, are they artificial, do you really need an A-level for the particular job that they are recruiting for, and the answer lots of times is 'No.'"[348] (The Fair Cities programme was discussed in Chapter 4.)

299. The CBI told us that any new regulation must "effectively tackle discrimination without creating a burden for employers who are already struggling with the plethora of employment laws and regulations," and that the Government should "provide employers with high quality guidance on their obligations, not […] create new ones." It suggested that the new Commission for Equality and Human Rights "should see this as a key priority."[349]

300. The Ethnic Minority Advisory Group, a body made up of employers from ethnic minorities which has been set up to advise the DWP's Ethnic Minority Employment taskforce, urged the Government to make a clear business case to employers about the benefits of a diverse workforce, among which it includes diverse talent pools, reduced turnover, meeting customer needs in a market where ethnic minority spending power is estimated at over £32 billion, and improved creative mix and public reputation.[350]

301. We conclude that the DWP and the DTI should work with businesses to promote the advantages of a diverse workforce, and to encourage them to review their recruitment policies to ensure that they offer equal opportunities. The Government should also charge the new CEHR with providing clear guidance to employers on their responsibilities.

302. A recent report by the National Employment Panel, "Enterprising Places, Enterprising People", found that "[t]he 100,000 Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) firms represent 10% of all UK businesses today - roughly the same proportion as ethnic minorities in the working age population. Many of the challenges which they face are the same as those experienced by all SMEs. However, there are opportunities to capitalise on the growing numbers of young entrepreneurs and to address some barriers that seem to be particularly important to BME firms." It recommends a range of measures, including the establishment of Centres of Vocational Excellence for Entrepreneurship, and analysis of available funding.[351] These recommendations were accepted in the 2005 budget. We will follow with interest the way in which they are taken forward. As well as working to improve the employment of people from ethnic minorities, we think Jobcentre Plus should promote self-employment as an option to people from these groups.

Duty to promote racial equality

303. At present, there is a duty on public sector employers to promote racial equality. There is no parallel duty on private sector employers. We asked Cay Stratton's view of this situation:

"Ms Stratton: […] I would say that I do not think there is a great deal of appetite for legislation right now; but before you extend legislation we need to look at what has happened in the public sector, and so that would provide a little bit more evidence […] if it did not [have an impact] then we have to figure out some other way to force the issue.

Harry Cohen: In a sense, that is my last point. We have got legislation in relation to the public sector, a duty not to discriminate and to report about it. I have never understood really why that has not been in the private sector.

Ms Stratton: Nor do I."[352]

304. The Minister of State for Employment and Welfare Reform, Jim Murphy, told the Committee that he did not think extending the duty to promote racial equality to cover the private sector would solve the problem of discrimination:

"I think it would be a mistake […] if we were to say […] "Public sector good; private sector bad" on this […] the public sector, again, has some great practice but not enough. Senior levels of the Civil Service have reported progress in recent years but not enough […] there is a challenge for both the private and the public sector […] people on employment panels are quite often employing people just like them, and it is a well-acknowledged practice across the ages that is what happens. I am not certain that a central anti-discriminatory law would capture that either in principle or on a practical level in terms of that interface."[353]

305. Other, similar duties exist, or will shortly be introduced, around equality for people with disabilities and gender equality. The Department for Communities and Local Government is currently conducting a Discrimination Law Review to:

"address long-held concerns about inconsistencies in the current anti-discrimination legislative framework. The Review is considering the fundamental principles of discrimination legislation and its underlying concepts. It is working to develop a simpler, fairer legal framework that fits the needs of 21st century Britain. It is also considering opportunities for creating a clearer and more streamlined legislative framework having due regard to better regulation principles which will be more 'user friendly' for employers and employees alike, as well as the providers and consumers of services."[354]

306. The DLR's terms of reference state that it will be "grounded in a comprehensive analysis of the efficacy of Great Britain's current equality enactments."[355] It is our view that the Government should publish, as part of the DLR, whatever evidence it holds about the cost and effectiveness of the current duty to promote racial equality. If the duty to promote racial equality has been a cost-effective way of reducing discrimination then the Government should publish a strategy to extend the various equality duties to organisations outside the public sector. If it has not been cost effective, the Government should abolish the duty and, instead, publish a strategy to reduce all types of discrimination using other methods, such as public procurement. We recommend that the DWP publish an updated strategy, underpinned by evidence of the costs and effectiveness of its proposals, setting out how it plans to reduce discrimination of all types.

307. The Government should make clear in what circumstances it would consider extending to the private sector the duty to promote racial equality.

Public procurement

308. Public procurement was cited by many witnesses as an important lever the Government could use to raise the ethnic minority employment rate, both directly and by influencing the recruitment and subcontracting decisions of private companies. The Minister for Employment and Welfare Reform, Jim Murphy, told us that procurement was the DWP's "most effective intervention at the moment," and that it could create a culture in which "if organisations wish to procure from Government then they have to be more sensitive to the issue of ethnic minority employment, with a fair chance for many more people to get involved in the labour market."[356] Alan Christie of the CRE told us that "public procurement is probably the best way of getting employment opportunities, raising the employment rate of disadvantaged populations, like ethnic minorities […]."[357]

309. The Minister told us that he had asked the Ethnic Minority Employment Task force (EMET) to focus on how public procurement could promote ethnic minority employment. However, he said that this was "not in a quota sense but in a monitoring sense."[358] International evidence, he said, showed that this could have a significant impact on companies hoping to win Government contracts. He added that a stricter approach could be adopted if this approach did not produce results: "if that does not have the desired and anticipated outcome then, of course, we could look much further."[359]

310. The Ethnic Minority Employment Taskforce, a cross-departmental body made up of ministers and representatives from groups such as the TUC, CBI and CRE, is running pilots to investigate promoting racial equality through public procurement. For example, Jobcentre Plus is piloting "revised terms and conditions in recently let New Deal contracts" with the aim of requiring both suppliers and subcontractors to "supply and comply with policies on harassment, equality, diversity training and supplier diversity," and requiring suppliers to "report the proportion of employees who are female, disabled and from an ethnic minority group." Other approaches are being tried in pilots at the Home Office and Department for Education and Skills. EMET notes that the pilots "do not include setting quotas or any positive discrimination measures."[360]

311. The focus on procurement is to be welcomed, as it is likely to have a real impact on the decisions made by businesses competing for Government contracts. However, we heard some evidence that the Government as a whole is not doing enough to make use of this lever. Alan Christie of the Commission for Racial Equality told us it was "concerning" that "more effort is not put into making that [procurement policy] broader, deeper, bigger, more successful than it is currently."[361]

312. The Ethnic Minority Advisory Group told us that: "[w]hilst procurement policies may be underpinned by clear equality and diversity principles, the application by public and private sector institutions invariably fail in delivering these goals […] an emphasis on clear equality and diversity enforcement principles is needed to ensure that these are delivered in practice and impact on employment outcomes for ethnic minority groups in tangible ways."[362] It stated that existing procurement rules fail to create a level playing field for ethnic minority businesses and organisations:

"Fatima, the Asian women's network based in Leicester […] says that current policies in local authorities such as Best Value do not allow ethnic minority businesses or organisations to compete equally for public sector contracts as their size often requires them to adopt full cost recovery accounting in their bids which makes them less competitive than the more established and larger companies […] local authorities are ill-equipped to support ethnic minority organisations and their procedures, so even at the pre-qualification level [there] are barriers to entry."[363]

313. If this problem is not addressed quickly, EMAG warned, then inequities might become entrenched, because "most authorities are in the process of drawing up their preferred supplier lists now and so if ethnic minority organisations miss out in this window it would take a few more years to catch up."[364]

314. The problems created by existing procurement rules were also mentioned by Alan Christie of the CRE, who told us that "procurement professionals will tell you that this is difficult, this is hard, there is an additional level of complication and they have got many other factors to take into account […] meeting their competitive tender responsibilities, they have got to get value for money, and so on and so forth."[365] Mr Christie told us that there were good examples of procurement policy promoting ethnic minority employment, such as Transport for London's procurement for the East London Line project.[366]

315. As we discussed elsewhere in the report, the DWP is currently centralising Jobcentre Plus procurement, in order to create a "centre of excellence". We recommend that the DWP ensure that its own procurement sets an example to other public bodies in setting high standards for equal opportunities policies in the firms with which it contracts. Promoting racial equality should be one of the priorities of the new "centre of excellence" in procurement. We recommend that if public procurement proves to be a useful tool in improving racial equality, all public bodies should adopt a similar approach to procurement. We also recommend that the DWP set out what "further" approaches it would consider to promote racial equality.

316 Department for Work and Pensions, Autumn Performance Report, 2006, p 27 Back

317 Ev 313 Back

318 Department for Work and Pensions, Autumn Performance Report, 2006, p 29 Back

319 Q 506 Back

320 Department for Work and Pensions, Autumn Performance Report, p 27 Back

321 Equal Opportunities Commission, Moving on up? Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Caribbean women and work: Early findings from the EOC's investigation in England, September 2006 Back

322 "Ethnic Minority Outreach: An evaluation," DWP Research Report No. 229, 2005 Back

323 "Ethnic Minority Outreach: An evaluation," DWP Research Report No. 229, 2005 Back

324 Work and Pensions Select Committee, Fourth Report of Session 2004-5, Department for Work and Pensions: Delivery of Services to Ethnic Minority Clients, HC 268, para 192 Back

325 Speech by Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, DWP City Strategies Conference, Tuesday 9 May 2006, www.dwp.gov.uk Back

326 Q 169 Back

327 Q 228 Back