The
Committee consisted of the following
Members:
Chairman:
Dr.
William McCrea
Blackman,
Liz
(Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty's
Household)
Campbell,
Mr. Gregory
(East Londonderry)
(DUP)
Chapman,
Ben
(Wirral, South)
(Lab)
Field,
Mr. Mark
(Cities of London and Westminster)
(Con)
Goggins,
Paul
(Minister of State, Northern Ireland
Office)
Gray,
Mr. James
(North Wiltshire)
(Con)
Hepburn,
Mr. Stephen
(Jarrow)
(Lab)
Hoyle,
Mr. Lindsay
(Chorley)
(Lab)
Levitt,
Tom
(High Peak)
(Lab)
McDonnell,
Dr. Alasdair
(Belfast, South)
(SDLP)
Marris,
Rob
(Wolverhampton, South-West)
(Lab)
Reid,
Mr. Alan
(Argyll and Bute)
(LD)
Robertson,
Mr. Laurence
(Tewkesbury)
(Con)
Skinner,
Mr. Dennis
(Bolsover)
(Lab)
Smith,
Geraldine
(Morecambe and Lunesdale)
(Lab)
Watkinson,
Angela
(Upminster)
(Con)
Williams,
Mrs. Betty
(Conwy)
(Lab)
Celia Blacklock, Committee
Clerk
attended the
Committee
Third
Delegated Legislation
Committee
Wednesday 30
April
2008
[Dr.
William McCrea
in the
Chair]
Draft Electoral Administration Act 2006 (Regulation of Loans etc: Northern Ireland) Order 2008
2.30
pm
The
Minister of State, Northern Ireland Office (Paul Goggins):
I beg to move,
That
the Committee has considered the draft Electoral Administration Act
2006 (Regulation of Loans etc: Northern Ireland) Order
2008.
I welcome you to
the Chair this afternoon, Dr. McCrea. The purpose of the order
is to make provision for the regulation and verification of loans to
political parties in Northern Ireland by the
Electoral Commission from 1 July 2008. Prior to laying the order, the
Government consulted the Electoral Commission and the Northern Ireland
political parties. I warn members of the Committee that the order and
my speech include reference to legislation with some of the longest
titles that I have ever come across as a Minister. Nevertheless, I am
sure that they will find it helpful if I briefly set out the
legislative provision that has already been made for the regulation of
donations and loans to political parties in recent years and explain
how the order fits
in.
The Political
Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 governs the
regulation of political donations and loans in the United Kingdom. When
it was passed, it created a new regime for the regulation of donations
to UK political parties that began to operate in Great Britain, but the
scheme was not commenced for Northern Ireland parties at the
time.
In
2006, it was decided to extend the controls on donations to Northern
Ireland. The 2000 Act provisions were modified by the Northern Ireland
(Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2006 to introduce arrangements that
reflect the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland. First, Irish
citizens and prescribed Irish bodies were allowed to donate to Northern
Ireland political parties. Secondly, provision was made for the
Electoral Commission to hold records of donations confidentially until
2010.
The broad
outline of the arrangements for Northern Ireland was set out in
amendments to the 2000 Act. The detail of the arrangements, including
the conditions that Irish citizens or bodies must meet in order to make
donations and the steps to be taken by the Electoral Commission to
verify donations, was set out in a subsequent order: the Political
Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (Northern Ireland Political
Parties) Order 2007the longest title of any legislation that I
have ever come across. The regime for the regulation of political
donations is now operating in Northern
Ireland.
In 2006, a
new regulatory regime was also created for loans to political parties
in Great Britain. It has not yet been applied to political parties in
Northern Ireland,
and the purpose of the order that we are debating today is to apply that
regime to Northern Ireland from 1 July 2008, with specific arrangements
to reflect the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland. As with
the donations regime, we need to introduce the arrangements in two
stages. Todays order contains the broad outline. It inserts new
provisions into the 2000 Act, on the regulation of loans to Northern
Ireland recipients, that are similar to those covering the regulation
of donations already inserted by the Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous
Provisions) Act 2006. If Parliament approves the order, we shall bring
forward a second order setting out the detail of the arrangements for
loans in a similar way to the 2007 order on
donations.
As members
of the Committee will have gathered, the arrangements for the
regulations of loans set out in the order have strong similarities to
those already introduced for donations in Northern Ireland. That strong
link is based on section 63 of the Electoral Administration Act 2006,
which specifically allows the Secretary of State to modify the loans
regime in its application to Northern Ireland in a way that corresponds
to, or is similar to, the modifications made for
donations.
As with
political donations, the order includes Irish citizens and prescribed
Irish bodies in the list of those individuals and bodies authorised to
make loans to Northern Ireland political parties. In doing so, it
creates arrangements that acknowledge the special place that Ireland
occupies in the political life of Northern Ireland. We intend to set
out in a subsequent order the conditions that an Irish citizen or Irish
body must meet in order to make loans to a Northern Ireland
recipient.
The
order addresses potential concerns relating to the possible
intimidation of persons and businesses that wish to enter into
regulated transactionsloans or donationswith political
parties. Thankfully, Northern Ireland has rejected the violence of the
past and embraced a democratic and peaceful future. However, violence
and intimidation remains a favoured option for a small minority to
achieve their ends. We cannot allow such individuals to subvert the
right of the people of Northern Ireland to participate in the
democratic process. For that reason, as with the provisions that
regulate donations, the order provides for legitimate loans to Northern
Ireland parties to be reported in confidence to the Electoral
Commission. It is a temporary measure that will last until 2010. The
period may be extended by order with Parliaments approval, but
it remains my firm hope that that will not be
necessary.
It is
important to note that the commission will have the power to verify
reported transactions and to release information contained in a report
on a regulated transaction if it believes on reasonable grounds that
the regulated transaction was entered into with an unauthorised
participant. We intend to set out in the second order the steps that
the commission must take to verify information contained in donation
reports during the confidential reporting
period.
The order
represents an important step forward from the current, unregulated
state of affairs toward the level of accountability that the rest of
the UK enjoys. In line with the provisions of the Good Friday
agreement, it acknowledges the important relationship
between the people of Northern Ireland and Ireland. It also meets the
need to protect from violence and intimidation those who may wish to
contribute to political parties in Northern Ireland. For those reasons,
I firmly support the order, and I hope that members of the Committee
will do
likewise.
2.37
pm
Mr.
Laurence Robertson (Tewkesbury) (Con): May I, too, welcome
you to the Committee, Dr. McCrea? Oddly, we used to have an awful lot
of statutory instruments and orders on Northern Ireland business, but
we have not had any for quite a long time. As soon as I begin to lose
my voice, we have two in a week. I suppose that that is how life goes
here.
I
thank the Minister for his courtesy in providing me with various items
of information on the order and for going through it briefly with me,
but I am a little concerned about its contents, as I said when a
similar measure on donations in the Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous
Provisions) Act 2006 was proposed. I should like to develop one or two
of those concerns. I am worried that we are approaching the matter in
two stages. We are being asked to approve the principleand
probably a little moreof the order now, but we will come to the
details later in the year, which is rather unsatisfactory. I do not
know why we could not consider the measures together or why we could
not consider one order today and one tomorrow, so that we could look at
everything at once. It is peculiar that the matter is being treated in
that way. The devil is in the detail is an old saying,
but it is often true. I should like to place on record my slight
concern about the way in which we are dealing with this
business.
It is useful
to ask a few questions about how the provisions on donations in the
2006 Act are workingI hope that you will find such questions in
order, Dr. McCrea, because I believe that they are relevant. Has the
Minister been able to assess the level of donations since the 2006 from
the south? Which parties in the north have benefited from donations?
How much does he anticipate each party will receive in loans from the
south? It is not for me to make this case, but there is a worry that
the measure may benefit one or two parties in Northern Ireland rather
than all the parties. I am concerned about that, but it is probably for
others to raise the matter, and no doubt they will do so as the
Committee
proceeds.
One
of the biggest worries about allowing donations and loans from the
Republic concerns the original source of such money. If it starts off
fairly innocently in the Republic, that is one thing, but we are all
aware of the negative impact of money from AmericaNoraid, to
name one organisationthat has had a deadly effect in Northern
Ireland at times. We are concerned to ensure that, if money purports to
come from the Republic, it does come from the Republic. That must be
difficult for any Government to monitor, but will the Minister put our
minds at rest? Has that been monitored so far, and how will it be
monitored in
future?
An
intriguing situation might arise, which I have discussed briefly with
the Minister, and I will pose a question. Will the Conservative party
in Northern Irelandwe organise therebe eligible for
loans from the Republic? Is the party eligible for donations? I
understand that it is illegal for the Conservative party in
Northern Ireland to pass any of that money to the Conservative party in
Great Britain, but how will that be monitored? Is it not a strange
situation? As far as I understand it, the Conservative party in Great
Britain could send money to the Conservative party in Northern Ireland,
but not vice versa, if that money has come from the Republic, even
though Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom. That is an
inconsistency.
I want,
too, to discuss the confidential nature of donations and loans. I
understand the thinking behind the measure but, as the Minister said,
things have moved on a great deal in Northern Ireland, although he is
correct to mention the dissident republicans and some loyalist
groups that want to continue the troubles and the violence for their
own ends. I understand that they cannot be allowed to disrupt what the
Government intend to happen, but they are being allowed to disrupt what
is seen as normal in Great Britaina genuine openness on
donations. We are all well aware of some of the concerns about party
funding in the United Kingdom, and I regret that, unfortunately, in one
part of the United Kingdom we are not going to have openness about such
funding.
The fact that
that money will come from a separate jurisdiction adds a further twist,
and I am concerned that none of us will be able to assess where that
money comes from. Presumably, we will not be able to assess where it is
going. Not being able to make that assessment is a problem for me as a
parliamentarianthe Electoral Commission can find out that
information, but I cannot do so. Nor will you, Dr. McCrea, as a
Northern Irish Member of Parliament, be able to find out such
information. I have concerns, therefore, about the confidential nature
of donations.
I have a
few concerns about the order. As I said, we are dealing with only half
of it, and I am concerned about that half, for the reasons that I have
expressed. I look forward to the Ministers responseif
he does not have all the facts to hand, perhaps he will do me the
courtesy of writing with the
replies.
2.44
pm
Mr.
Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP): I
rise to speak, and serve again under your
chairmanship, Dr.
McCrea.
The
Minister has been clearly outlined the essential target date1
July 2008and the fact that the order is the first stage of a
two-part process. My party, and virtually everyone in Northern Ireland,
would welcome a move towards openness and transparency in party
political funding and loans. My party and I share some of the
reservations expressed by the hon. Member for Tewkesbury. He said that
it was not for him to highlight some of the issues, but I cannot say
the same. It is for someone like me to do so, and therefore I
shall.
The
concern is that the order would mean little to a normal political
party, because we all should be subject to the type of scrutiny and
regime that is envisaged. The problem is, of course, that there is one
political party that is emerging. It is hoped that it will continue to
emerge from a difficult and violent past and become a proper political
party, and we continue to monitor its movement and its development
towards that stage, which we hope it reaches sooner rather than later.
Our concern is that that party, Sinn Fein, has previously had access
to legitimate moneys in large quantities, and not so legitimate moneys
in large quantities. Those moneys could, of course, be put to electoral
use, to gain advantage over other parties that neither have access to
such funding nor the desire to obtain funding in that way. The issue is
how we can regulate that. For example, money, perhaps from the United
States or elsewhere, could be stashed away in the Irish Republic,
developed through a money laundering process into legitimate businesses
in the Irish Republic and thenhey presto!a loan, or
loans, of considerable magnitude could pop up in the coffers of one
particular political party: Sinn Fein, or any other party for that
matter. We must consider whether that creates an unfair advantage for
that political party over all
others,
The
Minister indicated that loans would be reported in confidence to the
Electoral Commission, but I should like him to address the central
point. If issues emerge, either in the reporting or the non-reporting
of what appear to be funds that can be deployed by a political party to
the disadvantage of that partys opponents, what is the
mechanism whereby the Electoral Commission can say, We have
received this information in confidence, but because of the nature of
these reports we are minded to do something.? Once the
Government are aware of such concerns, how do they alert public
representatives and the community to ensure that they remain confident
that the Government and democratically elected politicians are aware of
what could happen and are prepared to take action to stop it? That is
the issue: we must try to instil confidence in the wider community and
retain that confidence, in the process, not just of donations but of
loans.
2.48
pm
Mr.
Alan Reid (Argyll and Bute) (LD): It is a pleasure to
serve again under your chairmanship, Dr. McCrea. I thank the Minister
for his explanation of the order. The donations regime in part 4 of the
Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 applies to
Northern Ireland, but sections 71(a) and 71(b) of that Act allow
Northern Irelands political parties, individuals and
members associations to accept donations from Irish citizens
and Irish bodies that meet certain conditions. That is in recognition
of the special place that Ireland occupies in the political life of
Northern Ireland. The order ensures that loans made to Northern
Irelands political parties are covered by the same provisions
as donations, and ensures that the acceptance of loans extends to
prescribed Irish bodies and Irish citizens. I welcome the extension,
because it makes sense for loans to be covered by the same rules as
donations.
I have a
few questions for the Minister. The order states that Irish bodies and
Irish citizens can make loans, and that the Electoral Commission has a
duty to carry out verification processes. However, as other hon.
Members have said, the detail will come in a future order. I am puzzled
about why that is necessary, because the rules on who can make
donations and the steps that the Electoral Commission has to go through
for the verification of donations are already set out in the Elections
and Referendums Act 2000 (Northern Ireland Political Parties) Order
2007. If the purpose of the order is to make the regime for loans the
same as that for donations, I do not understand why the
Government could not lift the rules from the 2007 order and put
them into this one. We could then debate the whole loans regime in one
go, rather than debate part of it under another order. Will the
Minister explain why we need a separate order, and tell us when that
order will come before the House? I note that the prescribed period
commences on 1 July, so the order will have to be debated well before
that
date.
Because
of the fear of intimidation, there is a rule that between 1 July 2008
and 31 October 2010, loans will be given in confidence, as is the case
with donations. As other hon. Members have said, that means that the
funding of political parties in Northern Ireland will not be
transparent. While I accept the reason for those concerns and the fact
that loans have to be given in confidence, I draw the Ministers
attention to a point that I made when we passed the donations order.
Although it might be correct not to publicise the name of the Irish
citizen or body giving a donation, there could be a summary report on
the amounts given or loaned to each political party in Northern
Ireland, and a breakdown of categories of donors or those who have made
loans. For example, there could be a breakdown of information on
whether a loan was given by an individual, a business, a political
party, a trade union, a members association or another body. Although
the name of the individual or body could be kept confidential, there
could still be a breakdown by category, which would at least give some
indication of how Northern Ireland political parties are funded,
without putting any individuals at
risk.
When the
prescribed period comes to an end on 31 October 2010, it
will be quite straightforward to learn the date on which donations are
given. Each donation is given on a certain date. Although loans are
given on a certain date, by their very nature they are in existence
over a longer period. If a loan is given before 31 October 2010 and has
not been paid back by that date, will it be publicised on that date? I
look forward to the Ministers answers to my questions, but I
certainly support the principles behind the
order.
2.53
pm
Dr.
Alasdair McDonnell (Belfast, South) (SDLP): It is a
privilege to serve in Committee with you in the Chair again, Dr.
McCrea. I think that this is the second time that I have had the
privilege of thanking you for your
consideration.
I have
no specific difficulties with the order, because it purely follows on
from existing legislation. However, I have a general worry and I beg
your indulgence for a few moments, Dr. McCrea, so that I can raise some
points. While regulation, from a point of principle, is excellent, I
worry that so much regulation is being introduced that, whatever little
bit of money is raised, we spend a fair slice of it complying with it.
At least, that is my experience. My party is not as well positioned as
others that are represented here to raise large sums of money. I am
deeply concerned about ever-shrinking donations and the impact of
that.
My colleague and
learned friend, the hon. Member for Argyll and Bute, raised the issue
of trying to monitor what is happening. I think that we must also
monitor the flow of money that is coming in. Most of us are in a fair
amount of debt, politically. Democracy is
expensive.
As
you know, Dr. McCrea, contesting elections is also expensive. If
democracy is to succeed, resources are needed to contest elections and
to create space for that democracy, and nowhere is that more relevant
than in Northern Ireland. I share the concerns about paramilitary or
paramilitary-style money. I also share the concerns that those with a
paramilitary backgroundhaving undertaken some dastardly deeds
in the pastmay not have many qualms about making a few false
claims here and there, and that forms may not have much impact on or
relevance to them. It is a question of working the
process.
My concern,
which I must express at this stage, concerns increasing difficulties
with money being raised publicly and having to be controlled and
managed, lest it be tainted in some way or construed as a push or a
shove, a nudge or a winkordare I say it?a
bribe. All the implications are drawn behind the regulation, and I urge
the Minister to persuade those responsible to look again at the
possibility of a degree of public funding that would ultimately
eliminate all the suspicion and distrust, or at least a large slice of
it. Until we reach that point, we will not get a satisfactory
arrangement; there will always be fraying at the edges and
concerns.
I assure
colleagues from other parties that the problem with the flow of money
to my party from south of the border is the sheer lack of it, rather
than any suspicious resource. I will use all my power in the next year
or two to ensure that that flow is increased. It is essential for my
party, and for those elements of democracy that I try to represent,
that we get some money, and that has always been a useful source. We
try to keep it legitimate, clean and above board, but I am baffled by
the idea of having to tell some Dublin business man who has given me a
few pounds that he must take his passport to be checked at the British
embassy, or wherever, before he can hand me the cheque. My concern is
that we can bottle this up, but we will reach a point where we cannot
dither over the issue any more. Public funding must become the issue,
rather than regulating things to the point of
strangulation.
2.57
pm
Paul
Goggins:
May I say to the hon. Member for Tewkesbury that
I am glad that his voice is holding out at least past the second order,
although I can only promise him that there will be some more in the
weeks ahead? I am sure that he looks forward to our continued exchanges
on that basis. He asked a question, as did the hon. Member for Argyll
and Bute, about why we had to deal with this order in two parts, and
that was the first question that I asked when I was being briefed and
getting ready to come
here.
The
position is clear. We consulted the Joint Committee on Statutory
Instruments on the issue, and it advised us that the orders had to be
done in sequence rather than both at the same time. Put simply, this
order will amend the primary legislationthe 2000 Act. That
means that we create the power, but that we must set out the detail of
how it is to be exercised in a subsequent order. Having been considered
today, the order must then go to the House of Lords for consideration,
which is due to happen on 12 May. We will lay the second order
immediately after that and we will try to get it to Committee as soon
as possible because, as the hon. Member for Argyll and Bute pointed
out, all that must be done before 1 July. I apologise for the fact that
we
will come back twice, but there is no alternative; we must do things
procedurally and properly.
The hon.
Member for Tewkesbury asked for my assessment of the new system of
regulating donations, which has been in place in Northern Ireland for a
while. Clearly, it is not possible for me to comment on amounts in any
detail, as that remains confidential. However, I am keen to, and will,
discuss with the Electoral Commission how reports are made and what
global information it can share with us. That takes care of the point
about whether it is possible to report donations and loans in
categories. I shall go away and check the relevant details, in time for
our returning to debate the second order.
The Committee
should rest assured that the making of donationsand, in future,
the making of loansis closely scrutinised by the Electoral
Commission. All donations from companies and other organisations have
to be verified and half the donations made by individuals are verified,
according to a strict formula. On donations from Irish citizens,
stringent checks are made through the Department of Foreign Affairs to
verify that somebody who donates as an Irish citizen is indeed an Irish
citizen, and that donations from companies and other organisations are
legitimate within the framework that we have set out. It is a detailed
set of rules, properly enforced by the Electoral
Commission.
Mr.
Robertson:
As I understand it, in Great Britain if a
company makes a political donation, that has to be declared in its
accounts. Is there a similar requirement in the Irish
Republic?
Paul
Goggins:
I will need to check on the detail of that, but
what is clear is that the Electoral Commission will also carry out
checks in Companies House in Dublin. Companies have to publish their
annual accounts and all those will be checked. I imagine that donations
have to be itemised within those accounts, but I would want to be
absolutely certain before confirming that for the hon. Gentleman. I
shall happily drop him a line.
Donations
made by Irish citizens to the Conservative and Unionist party in
Northern Ireland would be allowed under the legislation. I have a list
of political parties registered in Northern Ireland, and the
Conservative and Unionist party is one of those. However, having
received that money, the party would not then be able to hand it over
to the association in Tewkesbury to help the hon. Gentleman get
elected, because that is not allowed, and he understands that. I was
reflecting on the list earlier, as there are some rather interesting
organisations registered as political parties in Northern
Ireland.
Mr.
Campbell:
Before the Minister elaborates on those
organisations, does that mean that if and when the Labour party
organises in Northern Ireland, the same rule would
apply?
Paul
Goggins:
The Labour party of Northern Ireland is
registered as a political party. The same rules would applyit
would not be able to support my bid to retain Wythenshawe and Sale, for
example. Among the parties registered are the Free England party,
whichis an interesting organisation to be registered in Northern
Ireland; Make Politicians History, which was prominent in the Assembly
elections last year; and the Resolutionist partymany
of my hon. Friends will feel as though they have belonged to that party
over many years, but thankfully we are beyond that now. There is a
proper list and organisations that are on it can receive donations, and
in future they will be able to receive loans under the regulated
system.
Under
the Good Friday agreement and the settlement that came out of that, we
recognise the distinct position of Ireland regarding its relationship
with Northern Ireland. The principle is that Irish citizens and bodies
can make donations to Northern Ireland. The parallel to that is that
individuals and organisations in Great Britain can also make donations
to Northern Ireland, but not the other way round. There is a simple
reason for that: we do not want Irish citizens or organisations
channelling funds through the north into Great Britain, as that would
not be in keeping with the principles outlined in the
legislation.
Mr.
Robertson:
This is a difficult point to put. Can no
political party in Northern Ireland donate to a political party in
Great Britain, regardless of where the money has come from? My point is
that it would be difficult to prove where the money came from. Let us
say that £1 million went to the Conservative party in Northern
Ireland, but in its overall accounts it received £3 million from
whatever sources; does that not leave it £2 million from which
to donate? That is a technical point, but an important
one.
Paul
Goggins:
It is a good pointit would be hard to
know where the money had come from, and that is why there is a blanket
prohibition on the political parties in Northern Ireland giving to
parties in Great Britain. It might well have been generated within
Northern Ireland, but it might have come from an Irish citizen, so we
have a blanket ban in place for that reason. I share the hon.
Gentlemans hope that in 2010, it will not be necessary to renew
the powers of confidentiality. I hope that by then, we will have full
transparency and that peoples names and the size of their
donation will be entered on the Electoral Commission website, as
happens now in Great
Britain.
I say to the
hon. Member for East Londonderry that it is important that full
regulation be in force. At the moment, individuals and organisations
can make loans to political parties in Northern Ireland. There is no
system of regulating that, and we must have such a system for the
reasons that he gave. We are moving to a mature democracy in Northern
Ireland where peace prevails, and it is important that proper
democratic rules and principles are adhered to. The Electoral
Commissions role is to verify that donations and loans are made
properly and are lawful. Clearly, at present it cannot publish full
details on the website, giving names and amounts, but I assure the hon.
Gentleman that it enforces strictly the rules laid down in regulation.
Indeed, if a loan is found to be unlawful it has to be repaid, and with
interest.
I thank the hon. Member for
Argyll and Bute for his welcome for the proposition that we are
bringing forward today. I have explained why we are introducing the
system in two stages; the detail is yet to come. He is right that the
detail will be similar to that relating to donations, for obvious
reasons. I have set out the time scale: 12 May in the House of Lords,
and we shall meet subsequently. However, all will happen before 1
July.
As
I promised, I will check whether it is possible to provide reports by
category or sub-total. I am not sure, and I would sooner be sure and
confirm such matters to the hon. Gentleman. I also need to check the
detail regarding loans made before October 2010, and how they would be
repaid in such circumstances. No doubt we shall discuss such details
when we next meet in Committee. I reassure him and other members of the
Committee that, although the Electoral Commission cannot publish
details on the size of the loan or the name of the person making the
donationor, in future, on the loan for which we are making
provision hereif there were civil or criminal proceedings in
relation to that donation or loan, the Electoral Commission could
disclose such details to the enforcement authorities, and rightly
so.
My
hon. Friend the Member for Belfast, South raised some wider issues
about the cost of democracy, which is a subject that concentrates all
our minds. As money has to be raised, that is all the more reason why
we must be ever more vigilant about its source and have a proper system
of regulation. I know that my hon. Friend supports thateven
though it comes with a price, as he said. I wish him well for the
future in raising a bit more money, whether it is from south of the
border or from wherever in the north. I am sure that he agrees that the
Government have done more than any other Government to tighten up the
system of loans and donations in Great Britain, which will soon be in
place in Northern Ireland. It is important that we take such action.
Even though on occasion, it has caused individuals and parties some
difficulties, it is right to bring in the legislation and to ensure
that it is properly adhered
to.
My hon. Friend
also referred to public funding for political parties, and of course,
that debate will continue. For that to be successful, there needs to be
common ground between parties, and I hope that such issues remain open
for public discussion. Hopefully, we have made a start with the order,
and before the end of July we will have completed our task of ensuring
that it is in place, so that not only donations to political parties
but loans can be properly and fully regulated in Northern
Ireland.
Question
put and agreed
to.
Resolved,
That
the Committee has considered the draft Electoral Administration Act
2006 (Regulation of Loans etc: Northern Ireland) Order
2006.
Committee
rose at nine minutes past Three
oclock.