Select Committee on Business and Enterprise Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Professor Linda Clarke, Westminster Business School

1.  PRODUCTIVITY

  1.1  I am a specialist in the construction sector and have conducted much comparative research comparing skill levels, productivity and employment. I attach a paper, Divergent Divisions of Construction Labour: Britain and Germany—(not printed) about to be published—comparing the development of construction labour in Britain and Germany. This shows the high labour intensity of the construction labour process in Britain, with at least double the numbers employed for the same output compared to Germany. This labour intensity is in large part attributable to low levels of training and low skills, the ratio of trainees in the workforce being three or even four times greater in Germany (at about 6% of total workforce) for a far superior—longer, broader and deeper—training.

  1.2  This picture has been confirmed through our detailed studies of construction projects, comparing Britain, Germany the Netherlands and Denmark. I attach a paper, Cost vs production: labour deployment and productivity in social housing construction in England, Scotland, Denmark and Germany (not printed), written on these. This shows the far higher levels of productivity achieved in each of the other countries, measured in terms of square metres produced per day at, for example: 19.3 for England, 15.5 for Scotland, 13.9 for Germany and 12.9 for Denmark. Similar findings are reported by Bernard Williams Associates in their report to the European Commission Benchmarking of use of Construction (Costs) Resources in the Member States (Pilot Study): Final Report 24 March 2006.

2.  PRODUCTIVITY AND EMPLOYMENT LEVELS AMONG THE YOUNG UNSKILLED

  2.1  There is of course a particular problem in this respect for construction. The main problem is that without experience it is almost impossible to enter into the industry, so that the young unskilled are disproportionately affected. In most European countries, it is almost impossible now to work in the construction industry without skills and the necessary training to acquire these. Levels of unskilled have dropped dramatically in most countries, though not in the UK (see again the paper on Divergent Divisions of Construction Labour).

  2.2  Of those training in construction (at levels at any rate lower than other leading European countries), 62% are based in further education colleges, many of whom are classified as unemployed. Very few have the possibility, once trained, to enter the industry because they do not have the necessary work experience or employer placement. This situation is outlined in the paper Valuing labour (not printed). Those training in FE, but unable to enter the industry, consist disproportionately of youngsters of ethnic minority background, as shown in the attached paper Gender ethnic minority exclusion from skilled occupations in construction: a Western European comparison (not printed).

3.  LACK OF APPROPRIATE SKILLS?

  3.1  Because construction is an increasingly skilled industry, it is now very difficult to enter without appropriate skills, which at a practical level can only be acquired through work experience or simulated practice in workshops. It is these latter that are particularly lacking and which the FE colleges can only provide to a limited degree. FE colleges too tend to concentrate on the traditional biblical trades (carpentry and joinery, bricklaying, painting and decorating, plumbing), with often poorly equipped training provision, and the trades themselves clearly demarcated from each other and narrowly defined compared to other European countries such as the Netherlands or Germany (see our publication Craft versus industry: the division of labour in European housing construction (not printed)). Other areas outside these traditional areas, in particular groundworks, machine operation, concreting and civil engineering do not receive the systematic (two to three year training) they are given in other countries, but depend instead on one-off short schemes (eg for dumper drivers) which young people may not be able to afford and which anyway provide little in the way of a career structure in construction. Those who have undergone such short training may earn little more than the minimum wage.

  3.2  The lack of a clear career structure is one important reason why young people will not be able to improve earnings. This is a much more critical problem than in the past when it was possible to progress from City and Guilds, to HND to a profession CIOB qualification, a route increasingly tortuous now as NVQs do not provide the necessary underpinning knowledge to progress to HND level, as shown in the work of Hilary Steedman at the NIESR.

  3.3  For these reasons it is difficult for young people to earn a "skilled rate" in the first place. However, the low employment of young people in the construction industry is not just attributable to inappropriate skills. It is almost impossible now to work on a site if you are under 18 years of age and for young people generally because it is extremely dangerous and there are stricter health and safety controls and regulation. Without appropriate training, any employer would be reluctant to employ a young person on these grounds alone.

4.  EFFECTS OF LABOUR MIGRATION

  4.1  Young people have been restricted from entering construction because of inappropriate skills and no means to acquire them. As a result, employers have turned for recruitment to workers from Eastern Europe. I have recently completed a study of Heathrow Terminal 5 (T5) where this was abundantly clear. Many hundreds of youngsters were training in construction in colleges around the site (about 300 alone in one of the colleges I visited), but this was almost entirely in traditional trades and I was informed that few would have a chance to work in the industry because they could not obtain the necessary work experience and because these were not the areas of employment.

  4.2  On T5 itself the ratio of apprentices to workforce of one of the leading contractors was about one in 250, though at the time of the visit this was only one in 1,000! This represents a rate of between 0.4% and 0.1%, which compares with a ratio of apprentices to operatives in a country such as Germany or Denmark of approximately 12%! In the meantime, the site relied almost entirely for new recruits on labour from Eastern Europe and countries such as Portugal and Germany, which it was presumed had some experience in the industry. Workers (in particular German) were regarded as having highly flexible, extensive (rather than narrow) and transferable skills and were also prepared to work the 60 hour week demanded, unlike many "local" workers.

  4.3  Such problems, and policies which might address them, are described in the GLA report on Diversity in Construction, launched at City Hall on 15 February 2007.

5.  LIKELY FUTURE PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT?

  5.1  Construction is predicted to be an area of very significant expansion over the next 10-20 years so should, in theory, provide an area of great employment opportunity for young people. For the construction industry, there are fairly reliable forecasts from different UK regions, including the London region, being produced by CITB through its Skills Networks and Observatories.

6.  WHAT IS THE RATIONALE OF GOVERNMENT POLICY?

  6.1  Unlike other European countries the rationale of UK government policy is that training should be based on employer demand and be employer led. The trade unions have to a large extent been excluded from involvement in issues of training and these are rarely part of the collective bargaining process, except in areas such as electrical contracting. Yet employer demand and employer interests are inevitably short term, whilst those of employees and unions are more long term and concerned with improving the skills and value of labour throughout the working life. Government has not recognised these different interests. Countries such as Germany, the Netherlands, the Scandinavian countries, France etc develop training policy and provision on the basis of negotiation between social partners—the trade unions and employers.

  6.2  Government has also failed to recognise a general decline in the apprenticeship system, a decline apparent throughout Europe as individual employers increasingly retreat from being directly responsible for training and apprentices. In other countries measures have been put in place to overcome this, whether the group training schemes found in the Netherlands (and Australia), the well-equipped very modern training workshops providing simulated work experience in Germany, or the increasingly intensive college-based training of Denmark (with the first year entirely in college, providing theoretical and practical training).

  6.3  A further peculiarity of the British system not identified in government policy is the clear divide between the vocational education of a) operatives, accountable to government and under, for instance, the FE colleges, and b) professionals, accountable to the Privy Council through the professional institutions (see my paper attached The Institutionalisation of the Skill Division (not printed), published in Skills that Matter, Palgrave). This divide has held back the development of clear paths of progression from operative to professional and of intermediate skills, which is the area of greatest growth in most European countries. This is especially, but not only, evident in the construction industry.

7.  EXISTING TRAINING PROGRAMMES

  7.1  Existing training programmes for construction, by focussing on un-reconstituted traditional skills, fail to provide appropriate skills. This is not just a problem of focussing on inappropriate skills but of a need to up-date and redefine existing skills. A carpenter in, for instance, the Netherlands carries out a far wider range of activities than the British carpenter, just as the bricklayer does in Germany—so the German bricklayer and the Dutch carpenter are in British terms "multi-skilled". It is evident from interviews with employers that these "multi-skills", capable of being transferred from one project to another, are what is required for modern construction processes. In addition, areas such as civil engineering have been grossly neglected in training terms. Firms now seek people who can carry out most the activities associated with groundworks, including driving a range of machines, concreting work, laying out, even reading drawings. But there is no training available for young people to carry out all these activities, which require a mixture of applied practical and theoretical skills and a great deal of investment in advanced equipment. A country such as Germany overcomes this through the government itself equipping training centres and workshops, with the idea that these train for innovation whilst employers train for the market.

  7.2  For construction at least, the requirements can be identified and to a large extent predicted. It is also possible for government to take a lead and not just rely on demand. For instance in Denmark a new training programme was developed in the intermediate skills area for "construction architects"—now one of the fastest growing occupations in construction. Similar initiatives have been taken successfully in the Netherlands.

8.  CURRENT APPRENTICESHIP

  8.1  Apprenticeship in the traditional sense is, in my view, a thing of the past. Indeed Germany stopped using the term over thirty years ago when its training scheme was revamped. Basing training on individual employer goodwill is far too vulnerable a way to build the skills of tomorrow and equip youngsters with a wide range of skills on which to build a career. For one thing, the activities covered by one single employer can be extremely narrow and even firm-specific.

  8.2  There are many reasons why employers have increasingly abdicated from responsibility for apprentices, including: health and safety considerations; the decline in collective bargaining concerning training; lack of trade union pressure with the exclusion of trade unions from modern apprenticeships; lack of obligation and regulation, as evident from the limited use of statutory levies; the decline in long-term employment with firms; self-employment and extensive use subcontracting; the easier alternative of using migrant labour; and lack of links with further education colleges. My experience, however, from the construction industry is that where there are good quality training schemes—stretching over 2/3 years, with well-equipped workshops, attractive trainee rates, good theoretical underpinning, and providing practical work experience—these are vastly oversubscribed and offer those training good employment possibilities.

9.  ORGANISATION OF TRAINING PROVISION

  9.1  The first requirement is that all those with an interest in vocational education—the employers, the trade unions, providers/educators and government—be built into the system. Currently the lack of a clear link between employers and FE colleges is a serious impediment. For construction at least, vocational education has to have three elements and hence locations: a theoretical element, as provided by FE colleges; a simulated element, through workshops, which can be jointly run; and a practical element, which can be provided by one employer, or better still a range of employers, and also by setting up special training sites, with skilled tradesman to show young people what to do.

  9.2  A second requirement is that a "comprehensive system" be established rather than the "anything goes" range of different routes at the moment. A bricklayer with an NVQ2 level can have received training from anything between one week and two years! There is no clear standard or, as a result, expectation.

  9.3  A third requirement is to return to the integration of practical and theoretical training and of work experience and education. At the moment training for construction has gone back to what it was in the 1950s, when it relied on day release to college. The standard scheme of training established in the 1970s, which relied on block release to college has largely disappeared. Day-release is no way to organise training provision. From the point of view of the college, it provides insufficient time for the trainee to learn and develop; for the trainee it is frustrating and often regarded as just a nuisance and of little value; and for the employer trying to meet a deadline, it may be regarded as dispensible. In other countries, block release to college is the norm, even on a six-monthly basis, that is six months in college, and then some months with an employer.

  9.4  A fourth requirement is that training provision be regarded as necessary for improving productivity and for innovation, rather than meeting short-term employer needs.

10.  GENERAL LABOUR MARKET REFORMS

  10.1  Most of these are incorporated in the recommendations of the GLA report on "Diversity". They include: wide use of Section 106 conditions with respect to training and employing young people; the establishment of training levies; establishing a system of training trainers/older skilled workers; collective agreements on training/skills development, including on recognised trainee and improver rates; linking pay more closely to qualifications; implementing the Working Time Directive, as currently young people are competing with labour brought in from outside UK and willing to work 60-70 hours per week; statutory annual training leave. Reforms need to be directed at equipping young people with skills rather than accommodating the unskilled!

May 2007





 
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