Select Committee on Business and Enterprise Written Evidence


Letter submitted by energywatch

1.  A SOUND MARKET?

  BERR and Ofgem have asserted that the GB energy market is not only sound but is the most competitive market in Europe. In fact they only recently dropped the "most competitive market in the world" boast when the Australian State of Victoria achieved a higher proportion of consumers switching supplier.

  Ofgem has protested to the Chancellor that there is no evidence of collusion or price fixing and that they invited anyone with information to the contrary to come forward.

  However, the focus on collusion is a red herring. Only the Sunday Times has raised that possibility. However a broad range of other bodies—British Energy (the largest independent electricity generator), energywatch, small independent energy suppliers, academics, Unison, the National Right to Fuel Campaign and others—have maintained that there are structural features of the market which constrain the extent of effective competition. No accusation of collusion, but observations that:

    —  In the 10 years since competition was introduced the number of active suppliers has dropped from 20 + to only 6. Market Concentration.

    —  In that 10 years the big six suppliers have re-established interests in electricity generation and gas production. This degree of Vertical Integration and the existence of long term contracts with electricity generators effectively forecloses the market to new entry and therefore stifles real competitive pressure.

    —  It is argued that these market structure issues mean that suppliers don't need to compete vigorously on low prices because they do not need to fear the price competition that a new entrant would provide. Given that all the big six are in this comfort zone they know that it is none of their interest to buck the trend and cut prices dramatically. Collusion is just not needed in the energy market.

  British Energy are quoted in the Sunday Times as saying that the control of the big six suppliers over energy trading "increasingly forecloses the market to new entrants".

What's the point?

  The very characteristics that led to a competition investigation by DG Competition in Brussels exist here (although in a lesser form). The market has changed out of all recognition over the decade of competition. Consumers have less choice, there is no new entry, vertical integration ties up all electricity generation in long term contracts, there is very little transparency in the market.

2.  FEAR OF THE COMPETITION COMMISSION

  energywatch has called for a reference to the Competition Commission to enable it to carry out a Market Investigation into the GB energy market. A Market investigation is a tool available to regulators and government where there is evidence that features within the structure of a market is inhibiting active competition. Peter Freeman the Chair of the CC has made the following points in speeches over the past couple of years.

    The purpose of market investigations [from comp commission] is to enable the competition authorities to take an in-depth look at markets where competition is thought to be not working well, but where the problem does not at first sight appear to emanate from the dominant position of a single firm or the existence of hard core cartels. They are meant to be detailed and thorough and to apply a cure rather than a punishment. In their deployment of decision-making and remedy imposing powers they are probably unique to the UK.

    Despite the CC's powerful armoury of regulatory and competition enforcement powers, its involvement in regulated sectors in recent years has been minimal. Whatever the justification . . . the fact is that regulators are not making references to the CC for market investigations nor are they or regulated companies using the CC to resolve licensing or price control issues.

    September 2006. Bath

    "This relative dearth of regulatory cases has caused us some concern (we query if the threat of a Competition Commission reference from a regulator can act as a `credible threat' if that reference power is very rarely—if at all—used) . . ."

    May 2007. Edinburgh

    What's the point?

      The CC is a critical element in BERR's aspiration to have the best competition and consumer policy in the world. They are the experts in market structure and competitive forces. Ofgem openly acknowledges that it spends 75% of its time and energy on the monopoly network industry (ref its evidence to the House of Lords inquiry into economic regulators). It either cannot or will not apply itself to fundamental questions about market structure. Given that there is a body set up to do exactly that, why will Ofgem or BERR not make a reference to the CC? Has the Minster discussed the energy market with the Competition Commission?

    3.  SWITCHING NOT A SUFFICIENT MEASURE

      Ofgem regard the numbers of consumers switching supplier as the key measure of competition in the market. Last year they claim that 4 million out of 36 million energy account holders switched supplier.

      However, half of consumers have never switched supplier, 65% of pensioners have never switched supplier, 6 million people on pre payment meters cannot switch using an online comparison site, 2 million people cannot switch because they are in debt to their supplier, hundreds of thousands of consumers are on radio controlled meters and cannot switch for technical reasons (dynamic teleswitching meters).

      Switching is not only more limited than some maintain, research from the University of East Anglia have established that around one third of all consumers who have switched, did so to a worse tariff. Of course, every consumer who has switched in recent years has done so to escape punishing price rises not to make meaningful savings.

    What's the point?

      The numbers not as healthy as they appear at first and they hide real barriers to switching and actual detriment for those who do switched. There is contestability in this market. But it's hard to claim that it amounts to effective competition for all. Is the minister content that a glance at the latest switching figures is sufficient scrutiny over a market that delivers essential services to consumers and where that service is being priced out of the reach of many low-income consumers.

    4.  GOVERNMENT FUEL POVERTY STRATEGY

      Government will not meet its 2010 target for eradicating fuel poverty from vulnerable households. Around 4 million households across the UK are considered to be in fuel poverty, where they are required to spend 10% or more of their income to heat their home. The price of energy has the biggest impact on the level of fuel poverty, and price rises seen since 2003 to date of 74% for gas and 55% for electricity have seen the number of fuel poor households double.

      The pillar of the UK Fuel Poverty Strategy dedicated to, "continuing action to maintain the downward pressure on fuel bills" seems to have been abandoned. Government said that it would use the Energy Bill to give itself a power to require companies to provide social tariffs if they didn't act themselves. It has not done so. It has said in the 2nd reading of the energy bill that it prefers to see companies bring forward voluntary and innovative solutions.

      In stark contract, the company that has done the least on social tariffs has itself argued for a mandatory scheme. Npower wrote to Ofgem on 24 September last year and said:

    "At present, government is encouraging the delivery of a social action solution within a voluntary framework. It is doubtful whether this is the most efficient approach and it is also seemingly inconsistent with a market framework. We believe that the interest of the fuel poor is best served by a mandatory social tariff and this is the only means by which the Government's 2010 and 2016 objectives can be achieved. There is no obvious reason why these targets will be delivered within a competitive retail market".

  A recent energywatch report shows that suppliers are currently spending 0.11% of their combined £24 billion turnover on social tariffs and bill rebates—the measures that offer direct assistance with the cost of energy to fuel poor households. The measures currently available only reach the equivalent of 1 in 15 fuel poor energy accounts. If energy suppliers fulfil their White Paper commitments the proportion of industry turnover invested in social tariffs and rebates will increase to 0.25%.

What's the point?

  BERR has identified one lever to dampen price rises for those in or at risk of fuel poverty—the power to require social tariffs. It has chosen not to use that lever. Since government challenged suppliers, through the Energy White Paper, to do more to help their low income consumers, one company has declared that it will launch a social tariff. Little else has happened. On what evidence has BERR based its decision not to take the power to require companies to develop social tariffs? What percentage reduction to the price of energy needs to be made for the 2010 target to be met?

22 January 2008





 
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