Select Committee on Communities and Local Government Committee Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 175-179)

MS SARAH SPENCER CBE AND PROFESSOR RICHARD BLACK

1 APRIL 2008

  Q175 Dr Pugh: You have done an extensive amount of research. What has your research shown on the difference between new migrants' experience of community cohesion and that of long-term residents living in the same neighbourhood? Obviously they have different definitions of what community cohesion means to them.

  Ms Spencer: That is a very important question. While it is valuable that migrants have now at last been brought within the cohesion agenda, there are some distinct experiences which new migrants have which need not to be forgotten. They are distinct because of their newness, their lack of familiarity with the systems in the UK, which brings them information needs, language clearly, as you were discussing earlier. Sometimes their experiences before arrival, particularly if they are refugees, can mean they have health needs. Their limited rights attached to their legal status can limit their access to jobs, their access to voting, to services and so on. The fact that at the early stage all the evidence shows that people do not know how long they are going to stay; they may not know whether they are going to stay at all or how long they are going to stay and their ideas about that tend to change, particularly also perhaps the reaction by the public to them. From that I would just identify three particular issues that they experience. One is that we found, for instance, from our big study of East European migrants, the difficulties caused for them by the lack of practical information on arrival, lack of information about how to access a GP, how to get a bank account, how to get a national insurance number and so on; just in those early days after arrival when you do not know how the system works and you need information. Secondly, a lot of evidence about the importance of English and the difficulties people have if they do not have English. I do have one or two statistics on that if you want them. I would also highlight the importance of the reaction of British people to them. We found in a study we published with the Joseph Rowntree Foundation last week, Immigration, Faith and Cohesion in the UK, that a perception of discrimination and verbal abuse was very important in undermining any sense of belonging in the UK, that however much people might want to feel they belonged, the reaction they were getting was that they did not; some of them were getting that. Also with the East European study, while most of them were socialising well with British people, we did find that one in four had no social contact with British people after two years and while some of that was simply that because of the jobs they were doing they did not meet British people, some of it was sometimes because of a negative reaction but also often just a distance, a lack of interest and ignorance about migrants and lack of inclination to make friends.

  Q176  Dr Pugh: Just stopping you there for a moment, it seems to me that if you get an influx of people into a country you create potentially unstable situations and people on all sides, both the host community and the people arriving, will want to stabilise that situation. What may count as stability will vary. You seem to be suggesting that the migrant community will be relatively happy as long as they do not get abused, know their way around and can sort out one or two things. That is a fairly minimal definition of being integrated into your community. It strikes me the host community may want a lot more before they believe integration and cohesion exist. They may want to see them participate in local activities.

  Ms Spencer: Our evidence is that they did want to. Certainly the East Europeans were very keen to socialise with British people. It was a loss to them when it did not happen. Most of them did and part of what I am trying to do is not suggest that there is a major crisis here. There are some challenges but on the whole it is going well.

  Q177  Dr Pugh: That is very interesting. You are suggesting that a large number of the East European arrivals are not simply contented to get in, get the money and get out and know their way around, they really would like a more meaningful relationship with the community they are living with.

  Ms Spencer: That was certainly the evidence. We did a survey but also in-depth interviews and people wanted to make friends, they wanted to socialise, they regretted it when they did not meet British people, they regretted it when their attempts at friendship were not always reciprocated.

  Q178  Dr Pugh: Did this correlate with uncertain expectations about how long they might actually be in the host community?

  Ms Spencer: It correlated in part with language and we did find that people who were fluent in English were more likely to socialise with British people, as you would expect, than with people with limited English. It was also partly that the people we were looking at were in low wage jobs but they were often not people who had limited education; their education levels were higher than the British born people they were working with and that might also have been something of a social barrier.

  Professor Black: Our work is also with East European migrants, a specific group of East Europeans coming from countries which, at the time we did the work, had not acceded to the European Union. It does compare the levels of cohesion and the aspirations of people in that group and people who are long-term residents which includes some people who were migrants and also others who were native British. It supports what Sarah says. Broadly speaking there is quite a positive picture. On a number of indicators, the level of cohesion indicators shown by immigrants is lower than for long-term residents so people feel they belong less to their community, they are less actively engaged in civic activities for example. Over time that appears to decline or at least it is a snapshot study, so we can say people who had been in the UK for longer were less likely to feel that they did not belong in their community, were less likely to say that they did not feel they could influence a local decision or less likely to say that they did not volunteer or take part in associations. We cannot know whether that is a time effect or a cohort effect. It might be that the people who came in seven or eight years ago faced better conditions seven or eight years ago than people who came in two or three years ago. Nonetheless there is a positive feature over time. The other thing which clearly does vary over time is language. We found one third of our immigrant sample when they came in had adequate or fluent English; at the time of the interviews 78 per cent said they had adequate or fluent English. Even accounting for self-reporting biases, that still suggests quite a substantial improvement in English language competence alongside what appears to be an improved situation in terms of cohesion of the community they were living in.

  Q179  Dr Pugh: In terms of the different expectations, both of individual groups of migrants and also the host community, how useful is the Government's definition and measurement of community cohesion actually to you in giving a broad view of how well or how badly we are doing; how much of a problem it is in the first place.

  Professor Black: Certainly from our point of view we found it reasonably useful. We were able to incorporate questions from the Home Office citizenship survey, for example, into our survey and they gave us quite an interesting range of responses from one third to two thirds of our sample saying they did or did not do various things. Having those set questions gives us an opportunity to compare across the country and also to compare across time. With a statistical hat on, I would say do not change the definitions without having a good reason to do so because you throw away the opportunity to do really valuable comparisons. That said, I can see that there might be some arguments. The Barking and Dagenham insistence, for example, on looking at fairness and equality seems to me reasonable. The question would be how you are going to define that and how you get that into an indicator which you can then monitor over time because ideally that is what you would want to be doing.



 
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