Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 280-299)

MR JIM MURPHY MP, MS SHAN MORGAN AND MS SHELAGH BROOKS

12 SEPTEMBER 2007

  Q280  Chairman: But can I put it to you that, in practice—once you establish the position of high representative—that person will be known popularly as the EU's Foreign Minister? Once you establish that person with a budget of billions of euros and a staff of hundreds if not thousands—1,800 was the figure, I think—they will take on a persona and a role whereby they will have a dynamic that grows over time. That is obviously the intention. How will that relate to the proposal before us, which seems to be that national Foreign and Commonwealth Office and other countries' staff will be seconded to work in that structure? Will those staff be accountable to the high representative or will they remain accountable to their member Governments?

  Mr Murphy: I am sure that you are right to strike a note of caution on all that. However, there is already a high representative who has that title.

  Q281  Chairman: With a very small staff.

  Mr Murphy: Of course, but it is a matter of conjecture whether the title itself leads to the person being described as a Foreign Minister—either in the past or in the future. On the external action service, there has been an agreement for its commencement, but the detail is still being worked out. However, I know that it will be proceeded with on the basis of unanimity in the negotiations.

  Q282  Chairman: What about the people who work there?

  Mr Murphy: The detail of all of that is still to be worked out.

  Q283  Chairman: Perhaps we can have a detailed note that explains where we are at this moment. Perhaps also—before the Foreign Secretary appears before us in October—we can have a note then as to where we are at that point, assuming that there are discussions if not negotiations between now and then. The issue is clearly one that we shall need to come back to, because it is fundamental to the way in which foreign policy works in this country.

  Mr Murphy: I shall happily take up the invitation to provide whatever information is available.

  Andrew Mackinlay: Mr Chairman, can I ask that the Foreign Secretary also make some proposals in relation to future parliamentary oversight?

  Chairman: If there is time in the next 10 minutes we shall get to ask a question on that. We now move on to some questions about justice and home affairs.

  Q284  Sandra Osborne: How would you envisage that the UK's opt-in on police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters will actually work in practice?

  Mr Murphy: In practice, it would be a case of the United Kingdom Government considering the detail of any proposal and deciding at that point whether it would be appropriate for the UK to opt in if it were in our national interest. It will be on a strictly case-by-case basis. That UK distinction from other member states is important; they do not have such an arrangement in the reform treaty. That is our intention, however: to deal with proposals case by case on the basis of what is good for Britain.

  Q285  Sandra Osborne: Do you think that that would be likely to cause resentment among the other member states?

  Mr Murphy: That picks up a little on the point made by Mr Hamilton, which is that we have a record of being involved centrally in those parts of European Union decision making and policies with which we strongly agree, those that we do not share an ambition over and those that we think are not in the UK national interest to remain distinct from. I do not say that it is universally popular, but it is a well established British position and it is taken through in our opt-in on justice and home affairs.

  Q286  Sandra Osborne: In terms of explaining matters to the public, it might be quite helpful if we could have some examples of the issue into which the Government would not wish to opt. As the matter is currently explained, it does not really mean a lot to people.

  Mr Murphy: That is a fair point.

  Q287  Chairman: I am conscious that you have been here nearly two hours, Minister. I am wondering whether it would be possible for us to have another 10 minutes beyond 4.30 pm so that we could ask you a couple of questions about Russia as well as the European Union?

  Mr Murphy: Okay.

  Chairman: Thank you. Let us move to social security.

  Q288  Ms Stuart: I am sure that you will be glad that I have a brief question, Minister. One of the four red lines is social security and the strengthening mechanism, and the emergency brake on social security. As a former Social Security Minister, I wonder whether you can give us an example of what you think we had in mind about what might happen? It seems an incredibly widely phrased provision and something that would affect fundamental aspects of the social security system, including scope, cost or financial structure. You must have had some possible scenarios in mind. In case I have misread the text, I must say that I am assuming that the brake means that the Council will have to act in unanimity.

  Mr Murphy: On the latter point, yes. As for what we have in mind, we have in mind any potential future development that we did not agree with and that was significant to our social security system, whether it be a new approach to benefit exportability, a new approach to benefit entitlement or any such issues. It is not aimed at a specific new proposal out there in the ether of our distant horizon, but it is an important wide-ranging protection, as you acknowledge, Ms Stuart.

  Chairman: We now come to questions about the role of Parliaments.

  Q289  Richard Younger-Ross: One of the bright points of the reform treaty is the fact that there will be additional scrutiny by national Parliaments. The proposals are that sets of votes should be allocated to the national Parliaments, and if one third of the votes cast say that something is a matter of subsidiarity and therefore legislation should not apply, the EU constitution proposing it would have to review its proposal. I believe that that is called the "yellow card". If 50% of those voting decide that it is a matter of subsidiarity and not within the jurisdiction of the EU, the Commission would have to look at it in greater detail. We could have the position in which the majority vote in the European Parliament or 55% in the Council would be sufficient to kill off a proposal. That is referred to as the "orange card".

  The orange card system came into the negotiations rather late in the day. Minister, can you say whether both the yellow card and orange card mechanisms for oversight of subsidiarity will be available?

  Mr Murphy: Yes.

  Q290  Richard Younger-Ross: Thank you, Minister. Can you say how those proposals will work within the British Parliament?

  Mr Murphy: Yes. I am surprised that this has not caused greater excitement in the Westminster village because the plan is that each member state Parliament will be allocated two votes. Our intention as a Government—it is an established arrangement—is to have one vote for the House of Commons and one vote for the House of Lords. That is our intention.

  Q291  Richard Younger-Ross: How would we use that vote? Who would decide on which way it was cast?

  Mr Murphy: The House of Commons and the House of Lords would vote on those issues.

  Q292  Richard Younger-Ross: So it would be a vote of the whole Chamber—not of a Committee, and not in respect of a statutory instrument?

  Mr Murphy: We are going to work through the detail. It is a new proposal, a new protection and a new brake. It is an important new power. We will have conversations through the usual channels, Select Committees and others, about the detail of it and the most appropriate way of proceeding. However, as I confirmed to the House of Lords scrutiny Committee—I think that it was pretty pleased—there will be one vote for each Chamber in the Palace of Westminster.

  Q293  Richard Younger-Ross: We are delighted that we will have the vote and that the Back Benchers of this House may have a say. I am slightly sceptical; they might have a better say in the House of Lords. I am not sure about how much ability we at our end of the House will have to override what a Minister might have already said in the Council.

  However, the document says that "National Parliaments shall contribute actively to the good functioning of the Union". I believe, Minister, that when the House of Lords suggested that that rather imposed duties on Parliament and that the wording was probably inappropriate, you took the point and said that you intended to return to the issue in the IGC. Have you been able to do so?

  Mr Murphy: We are looking at that through the process that is going on now. When the issue was raised with colleagues, it appeared that it was a matter of drafting rather than of intent, so it is not something to rectify or that would lead to our having to reopen the IGC mandate. It involves a specific word; the problem is one of drafting rather than one of purpose and intention.

  Q294  Richard Younger-Ross: What would be the implication if the word "shall" was correct and was not a drafting error?

  Mr Murphy: It is a drafting error, so I shall not speculate about what the alternative intention would be if it had been put there on purpose. It was not.

  Q295  Richard Younger-Ross: Is the word "shall" going to remain?

  Mr Murphy: That issue will feed through to the technical legal working groups—whether the word "shall" remains or whether we remove it. That is what the lawyers are looking at. It is an issue of drafting.

  The full picture is as follows. My French is pretty rudimentary, but the issue is about translation from French into English. In the French text there is no obligation, so there is no equivalent in the French version of the text to the word that has now found its way into the English version. I hope that that helps clarify the issue.

  Q296  Richard Younger-Ross: My knowledge of French is probably even smaller than yours, Minister. However, my knowledge of lawyers is probably comparable. Whatever the intent behind a word, if a word is there, lawyers will latch on to it. I am rather surprised that you are reluctant to say what the implications would be if the word "shall" remained and we were unable to find the form of words that the French appear to have and we do not.

  Mr Murphy: As I explained, the issue is that the English is a translation from the French. There is no equivalent word in the French and therefore the issue is about drafting error, not intent. There is no point in speculating about a word that we have no intention of having there.

  Chairman: I shall take one last brief question on the issue from Gisela Stuart. Then we shall move on.

  Q297  Ms Stuart: My understanding is that the Dutch Government were deliberately keen on the word "shall". Can you confirm that?

  Mr Murphy: No, I cannot.

  Q298  Ms Stuart: Can you deny it, then?

  Mr Murphy: Yes.

  Q299  Ms Stuart: So no Government in the discussions wanted the meaning of "shall"?

  Mr Murphy: What the Dutch Government want—I suspect that they are not alone; they may be joined by the Belgians and perhaps others—is reflected in some of the increased powers for national Parliaments. The intention is not to place a duty on national Parliaments. That is not the Dutch Government's intention and it is not ours—it is not in the Dutch text, either.


 
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