Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 560-579)

RT HON DAVID MILIBAND, MP, PAUL BERMAN, SHAN MORGAN AND MARTIN SHEARMAN

12 DECEMBER 2007

  Q560  Sir John Stanley: That is your assertion—others take a different view. Finally, are you saying to the Committee that under no circumstances under the terms of the treaty will the roles of President of the Commission and the President of the Council ever be held by the same person?

  David Miliband: That is prohibited by article 213. What could be clearer? It is prohibited because "Members of the Commission may not engage in any other occupation". If you are suspicious about the word "occupation", may I point out that the article says: "Members of the Commission shall neither seek nor take instructions from any Government or any other body"? That could not be clearer.

  Q561  Mr Moss: Foreign Secretary, several witnesses who have appeared before the Committee have expressed misgivings about the role of the new High Representative, including its practical "do-ability", given the huge range of responsibilities. How best do you think that the post can be made to work, given the remit of responsibilities and its double-hatted nature?

  David Miliband: That is really important and completely fair, because two reasonably substantial jobs are coming together. The most important thing will be discipline on the part of the commissioning body—the Council of Foreign Ministers—about what it wants the High Representative to do, so that it is clear that he or she is there to enact agreed foreign policy. We must be disciplined in the priorities we have and the way in which we move forward.

  Q562  Mr Moss: Do you see any problems with this person being the Chair of the Foreign Policy Council, as well as the person who brings proposals to it? If you think of a company, the chairman and the chief executive coming up with the ideas; in this particular case, it is one and the same person.

  David Miliband: That is a good point. It is certainly an innovation. From watching the way in which the current High Representative has played his role, I can see that, even though he does not chair the meetings, he is a pretty pivotal figure. It is a balance between commanding confidence and consensus, and initiative. The formalisation of his role as chair of the council enshrines his consensus-building role, given the unanimity requirements of foreign policy. I can see circumstances in which that will bring people together in a good way, although I totally accept your point that it is novel.

  Q563  Mr Moss: How do you envisage the appointment of the new High Representative, which we presume will take place on 1 January 2009, given the role of the European Parliament?

  David Miliband: It is fair to say that the way in which those jobs are given out it is not exactly Northcote-Trevelyan. I envisage a lot of chatter, a lot of discussion, and a lot of feeling-out of positions. Whether there will be a job advert in The Economist, I am not sure.

  Q564  Mr Moss: The European Parliament has a role, as you are aware, in looking over the appointments of Commissioners. The new Commission will not be in place until 10 months after the European Parliament makes its decision.

  David Miliband: It was late at night in the Lisbon summit when this was finally agreed. Just on a small point—I think you knew what you were saying but I could not remember—the European Parliament has a right to be consulted before the appointment, not afterwards.

  Q565  Mr Moss: There seems to be some discrepancy with what the Prime Minister has said. He said that the European Parliament will not be consulted, and yet declaration 39 in fact says that "appropriate contacts will be made with the European Parliament." Will you clarify the situation?

  David Miliband: Yes, that was what was agreed late at night at the Lisbon summit, and it precisely refers to "appropriate contacts."

  Q566  Mr Moss: What does that mean?

  David Miliband: I think that that will be in the eye of the beholder. It means that those contacts will not be inappropriate. There will be contacts and discussions.

  Q567  Chairman: Mr Solana is a remarkable man with enormous abilities and experience. He has come to this role, having been Secretary-General of NATO, and is widely respected in many quarters. How will we find someone who has a similar pedigree, wants the job and has the confidence of all these different players?

  David Miliband: The first point is that we do not know whether Mr Solana wants to carry on or not.

  Chairman: He is not immortal.

  David Miliband: No. Secondly, although he is a fine man in many ways, there are many people with experience. On the defence side, there are former defence Ministers, former NATO members and former Prime Ministers, but we should not go there. So yes, he has talents, but he is not unique.

  Q568  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: The text that we now have is identical to that in the constitutional treaty—we can at least agree that that is the case for these clauses—and when it was negotiated in the Convention on the Future of Europe, the British representative, Peter Hain, tabled amendments to try to remove the double-hatting. He did not want the High Representative or Foreign Minister, as he was then called, to be a member of the Commission and a member of the Council, or to preside over the Council, so why did the Government accept the proposal?

  David Miliband: I was not in this part of the Government at the time. I do not have an answer to that question, although I am happy to write to you with an answer.

  Chairman: Perhaps one of your colleagues knows the answer.

  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: You have got very short memories; I can remember it very well.

  David Miliband: You can give us the answer.

  Q569  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I am asking you. The Government did not want the proposal, but they accepted it, and they are now saying that it is a good idea. However, by definition, the present Government do not want it, because it is exactly the same text; it has not been changed. We have got a text that the Government did not want. Why are we accepting it? You had another opportunity to amend what is now called the reform treaty—why did you not take it?

  David Miliband: I will have to go back and find out what Peter Hain said and why he said it.

  Chairman: Perhaps we can have a letter, which will help us when it comes to our reports.

  Q570  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: May I ask another question? The High Representative will obviously try to secure the agreement of all member states for actions internationally. Where that is not possible—in the real world, countries disagree—what do you make of the additional clauses? They are not additional to the constitutional treaty—as I said, it is the same text—but they are additional to the present treaties which oblige member states to come together on foreign policy. I particularly ask you about the obligation in article 11, which says that there shall be "an ever-increasing degree of convergence of Member States' actions." That has echoes of the "ever-closer union" provision in the present treaties.

  Another article obliges member states to "ensure, through the convergence of their actions, that the Union is able to assert its interests and values on the international scene. Member States shall show mutual solidarity." There are therefore two articles that will apply when there is no agreement, but there will still be an obligation on member states to converge their actions. Will that not bind us, even when we have exercised our veto?

  David Miliband: I do not think so, no. We touched on this when we talked last time about the mutual support clauses. We are bound by what we agree and once we have agreed something by unanimity we are going to pursue it in various spirits of co-operation. They are two sides of the same coin, really; one side is the unanimity side and the other side is the mutual support side.

  Q571  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I am sorry, can you answer my question? I am postulating a situation whereby there has been disagreement in the European Council or we have exercised our veto over a proposal so there is no common action and no agreeing. However, there are these additional clauses—I emphasise that they are additional to what is in the present treaties—which mandate an ever-increasing degree of convergence in member states' actions. I read out another one that has the same effect of ensuring, through the convergence of our actions, that the Union is able to assert its interests and values. There is an obligation. Unless the treaty is completely meaningless, the words lay down an obligation for us to agree to converge our actions with other member states whom, I have just said, we disagree with; we have exercised our veto. Is there not a contradiction?

  David Miliband: I do not think so, because the previous sentence to one of those you read out is about member states consulting with others, which seems to me perfectly sensible. As we discussed with Ken Purchase at the beginning of this sitting, precisely because other people's actions affect us, it makes sense to consult them and to understand where they are coming from and what they are trying to do in order to maximise our influence.

  Q572  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I have got the consultation obligation, but I am asking about another obligation. It is no good referring me to another—

  David Miliband: Sorry, you said it was new and in fact it is existing—article 16 is existing. If I have got the right sentence here, it says: "Member States shall inform and consult one another within the Council on any matter of foreign and security policy of general interest in order to ensure that the Union's influence is exerted as effectively as possible by means of concerted and convergent action. " I think that that was the phrase you used.

  Chairman: If there is a confusion, perhaps we could have something in writing to clarify. I have to move on to some other areas.

  Q573  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: We have three very highly paid officials plus the Foreign Secretary and they cannot answer a very simple question about a text that will be signed tomorrow by the Prime Minister. I think it is rather serious.

  Paul Berman: To comment on the Foreign Secretary's point, the notion of convergent action is not new, it is there in article 16 of the current treaty. In relation to the new wording which also refers to convergent action—this is in article 11—that has to be applied within the framework of decision making of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. It does not undermine the unanimity checks elsewhere. It is an overarching provision which describes how it will work in the preceding paragraph. It makes it clear that unanimity is the default option for the Common Foreign and Security Policy. So this is an overarching provision but then you have to look at the specific provisions that follow on how it is to be applied.

  Q574  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: But the overarching provision is precisely my concern. If we put on one side our ability to veto, there is nevertheless this overarching obligation to converge our policy and our actions. Incidentally, the clause I have just read out is not in the existing treaty and I have just checked that myself.

  David Miliband: We have just read out a clause that is.

  Paul Berman: What I said was that the concept of convergent action is in the existing treaty in article 16. That notion is retained in article 11, which sets out the general overarching provisions. To make it clear, article 11 is an overall description of the Common Foreign and Security Policy but in order to implement it you have to look at the detailed provisions that follow thereafter.

  Q575  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I am awfully sorry but, since we have a lawyer here, the clause in the existing treaty is different. It says that member states, "shall refrain from any action which is contrary to the interests of the Union". That is a negative requirement. This is a positive requirement, to converge our actions. That is a new obligation and I think it undermines the separate provisions, which allow us to veto in certain eventualities. It is, in your phrase, this "overarching obligation" that is precisely my concern.

  Paul Berman: It does not override the detailed provisions. It is very standard practice in EU treaties. You have the introduction to a chapter and a general set of statements about how that policy is going to work. To see how it works in practice you have to look at the specific provisions. In article 11 you have a general description of how the Common Foreign and Security Policy is going to work. That includes a new paragraph that has been inserted in this treaty, spelling out the specific intergovernmental nature of the treaty, including the fact that unanimity is the default position. It then follows on to the language you identify, which talks about convergence.

  What I am saying is that the concept of convergence is not new because that exists in article 16. This wording is new but it is part of the overall description of how the CFSP is going to work. In order to establish how it works in practice you must then look at the subsequent articles, which in particular include the provisions on conduct of decision making by unanimity, except in the exceptions that have already been discussed.

  Q576  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Finally, can I get you to confirm that the phrase, "the achievement of an ever-increasing degree of convergence for Member States' actions" is entirely new. Would you agree to that? Yes or no?

  Paul Berman: I cannot agree that it is entirely new because, as I have said already, the concept of convergence is already in article 16.

  Q577  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Where is it in this treaty?

  Paul Berman: Article 16 talks about ensuring the Union's influence is asserted as effectively as possible by means of concerted and convergent action. What I am saying is that the notion of convergent action is not new. What I do agree is that this paragraph is new, as is the preceding paragraph, which underpins the intergovernmental nature of CFSP. In order to understand how these overarching provisions are to be applied, they cannot be taken as free-standing obligations, read in isolation. They must be read with regard to the more specific provisions that follow, including the provisions on voting by unanimity.

  Q578  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Thank you for confirming that it is new. You are right. I have just checked article 16 and that phrase does not apply.

  Secondly, is it not really very worrying—

  David Miliband: Sorry, but it does apply.

  Q579  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: Well, I am sorry, but I have article 16 here and there is nothing about an ever-increasing degree of convergence.

  David Miliband: No.

  Chairman: We could be another hour on this.

  Mr Purchase: No, I do not think we could. I think it will take another minute, because it is there on the bottom line.

  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I must insist on reading out the article.

  Mr Illsley: Just read out article 16; it is there.

  Chairman: We need to move on. I am conscious that, if we carry on talking about this section, we will not have time to ask questions about several other areas.

  Mr Heathcoat-Amory: I am sorry, but I must just read out the phrase: "in order to ensure that the Union's influence is exerted as effectively as possible by means of concerted and convergent actions". That is different from an obligation to the achievement of an ever-increasing degree of convergence. That is so obviously the point that I wanted to put it on the record.


 
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