Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 160 - 179)

WEDNESDAY 4 JULY 2007

LORD ARCHER OF SANDWELL QC

  Q160  Mr. Hamilton: Lord Archer, may I just turn to human rights in Iran? I know that you have some interesting information about popular dissent, which I imagine comes from Iran regularly. We know that Iran has a disturbing human rights record; we know that stoning to death and the death penalty are still practised regularly.

  Lord Archer: Certainly.

  Q161  Mr. Hamilton: We know that President Khatami tried, without much success, to reform the human rights record, and that President Ahmadinejad has perhaps been more oppressive. He has removed a number of human rights. For example—we have seen this quite starkly—many women have been arrested for not wearing the right attire.

  Lord Archer: Indeed.

  Q162  Mr. Hamilton: In our recent human rights report, we highlighted the continuing use of the death penalty. We know, for example, that in the last few weeks there have been riots in many areas of Iran, caused by popular unrest, and we know that they have been about the petrol price.

  Lord Archer: That is right.

  Q163  Mr. Hamilton: Although Iran has a lot of oil, it does not have the facilities to refine it. It therefore has to re-import the refined product. I want to try to pinpoint whether that dissent is caused by economic factors, or by the oppressive human rights record of the Iranian Government. The recent unrest seemed to be triggered by the fuel prices, but is it actually expressing a deeper dissent to do with the political situation?

  Lord Archer: We certainly know that large numbers of women feel very much oppressed. We know that students were rioting—that is the only verb that could apply to it—at Tehran university, when the President visited last year. We know that university lecturers are being sacked because they do not follow the Government line. There is a very real human rights record. In fact, I believe that Iran has been condemned on 54 separate occasions by institutions of the United Nations concerned with human rights. It has, probably, the worst human rights record in the world.

  What is causing the unrest is more difficult to assess. There is no doubt that people are very worried about the economic situation, not only about petrol. We know that large numbers of people are unemployed. We know that food is very difficult to obtain. There is unrest about the economic situation. Since it is that that usually triggers unrest, perhaps more immediately than concerns about human rights—only some families suffer from human rights abuses—I would suspect that it is probably the economic unrest. What is certain is that Iran is absolutely seething with discontent. There is no doubt that if there were an opportunity to change the regime, a very large number of Iranians would want to change it. I am told that a secret survey was carried out a short time ago, in which 94%. of those interviewed said that they would like a change of regime.

  Q164  Mr. Hamilton: President Ahmadinejad was elected on the basis that President Khatami's economic reforms had failed, that he had failed to deliver economic progress, and that the oil that Iran was lucky enough to have should be converted into prosperity for all. Are you saying that he completely failed? Do the reports that you receive tell you—from what you have just said, that is probably the case—that he has completely failed in that?

  Lord Archer: I think that is so. Every report that we have in the press indicates that that is so. Most of the oil revenues previously went into weaponry. They did not find their way to people's standards of living. I think that there is very little doubt now that what he was trying to do has totally failed because it did not get people back to work and it did not get the economy moving.

  Q165  Mr. Horam: Lord Archer, can we come on to Iranian influence on Iraq? There is a connection between the two. You mentioned the petition signed by 5.5 million people. Could you help us in giving some estimate of the extent of Iranian support for, or involvement in, actions hostile to British forces in Iraq? What evidence do you have about that?

  Lord Archer: The most obvious recent example was the helicopter that was shot down with the loss of five British lives. That was shot down by a ground-to-air missile, which was undoubtedly supplied by Iran. We believe that they are supplying weapons on a very large scale. The Prime Minister himself said that at the Lord Mayor's banquet. He is quite convinced that that is happening. There is no doubt that there is a great deal of stirring up. This is a regime that believes that it is under instructions from God to export the revolution. It is a regime that wants to see Iraq going in the same direction. One could go on for some time. The revolutionary guard have their presence in Iraq, and we are almost certain that they are training insurgents to kill British and American forces. The answer to your question is yes.

  Q166  Mr. Horam: What do you think are the objectives of the Iranian regime in Iraq? On the one hand, one could say that they might want a stable Iraq that is no threat to them militarily, given the history of the Iran-Iraq war. They might want that. On the other hand, they might want to export the revolution and cause huge difficulty for the American and British forces there.

  Lord Archer: One thing that they will certainly want is to destabilise that region. They want to be the dominant power, because they believe that that is the way to export their brand of fundamentalism. They want to go beyond just getting rid of the Americans and British, although that is part of their agenda.

  Q167  Mr. Horam: So they do not want to create some sort of stable Iraq in future. They want to create chaos.

  Lord Archer: Quite the reverse. They want an unstable Iraq, I think. That seems to be the view of many Iraqis. I am told—I have just received this—that at the last estimate, there are 32,000 Iraqis on Iran's payroll. I confess that I do not know personally where that figure comes from, but that is the figure that I have just been given.

  Q168  Mr. Horam: Thirty-two thousand Iraqis?

  Lord Archer: Who, presumably, will be extremist Shi'as.

  Q169  Mr. Horam: I think that you say in your paper that the United States and the United Kingdom will be better talking to Iran's exile group than to the Iranian regime.

  Lord Archer: Yes.

  Q170  Mr. Horam: What practical advantages would that bring?

  Lord Archer: We say that for two reasons. The first is that there is to be some kind of barrier against this kind of Islamic fundamentalism, but what we have here are moderate Islamists, so it cannot be said that they are contrary to Islam, or that they are trying to undermine Islam. They are the people who would hold back the fundamentalists.

  Q171  Andrew Mackinlay: Is there not evidence that the US, the UK and the United Nations have been made aware of the subterfuge of the nuclear programme by the people in exile?

  Lord Archer: That is undoubtedly the case. The second point that I wanted to make was that it is difficult to know how to deal with an Iran that is spreading nuclear weaponry. One thing to do would be to go on trying to come to an accommodation with it. That has been tried for a long time. We know that the people there do not keep the deals that they make. They have been offered almost every incentive and in the end none of it has come to anything.

  The second possibility is to invade them, and nobody is suggesting that an invasion of Iran is the solution. The third possibility seems to be to do nothing and hope that in due course the thing will go away. We know that the likelihood is—it is the assessment of a number of experts—that they will have effective nuclear weapons by the end of the decade.

  The only remaining option is to tune in to what we were talking about a few moments ago—the seething discontent within Iran. We know that there comes a stage at which people simply want to overthrow a regime, as they did in the case of the Shah. What they need is somebody to co-ordinate the activities. It is no use having a demonstration here and a public meeting there, and not co-ordinating them. The people who could co-ordinate them are the Council of Resistance. The one hope of solving this problem and changing the regime would be to talk to the Council of Resistance.

  Q172  Mr. Hamilton: Thank you. Lord Archer, may I pick you up on that? Two thirds of the population of Iran are too young to remember the revolution of 1979.

  Lord Archer: I was not suggesting that.

  Q173  Mr. Hamilton: No, you were not, but why has a counter-revolution or second revolution not happened up to now? There have been co-ordinated riots and demonstrations on many occasions, yet they have been put down with incredible violence and oppression by the Islamic state. Why are you hopeful that that will happen at some time in the future if it has not happened already?

  Lord Archer: Well, they are not finding it very easy to contain it. There were 500 demonstrations in one month last year, despite everything that the police could do. You can arrest people; you can torture a few. You might even open fire on them, although I do not think that there is much evidence that they regard that as a good solution. However, sooner or later, you are going to get demonstrations that you cannot contain, and I think that that is what is happening, despite all the repression. That being so, and knowing what we do about the internal situation in Iran, I should have thought that it is pretty fair to say that they are awaiting the opportunity. They will not try spontaneously, and there will not be a rising that goes right across Iran and can be effective.

  Think of the Russian revolution. We know that the people of Russia were ready to rise in 1917, but it was not until there was somebody in the saddle—good or bad—to organise the revolution that it took place. I think that that could happen in Iran, because we know that the Council of Resistance, which is the umbrella organisation including the PMOI, is well organised and does have a strategy. It could bring that together.

  Q174  Chairman: May I put it to you that many Iranians in exile think that the PMOI is a small, very vocal group, which is active outside Iran but does not have any real base in the country?

  Lord Archer: I suppose Iranians in exile—the Iranian diaspora—are like diasporas everywhere; they do not speak with one voice and all pass a resolution. I was thinking of Shirin Ebadi, a human rights worker in Iran, who has just written a very interesting book, particularly about the way women are treated there. She does not get on terribly well with the Council of Resistance because she thinks she can do more good by staying in Iran and will be safer if she keeps them at a distance; they think that she is too cosy, otherwise she would have been arrested and tortured by now. Of course, the diaspora does not speak with one voice, but I would be surprised if there is a very large proportion of the diaspora who think that the PMOI is small and ineffective.

  Q175  Ms Stuart: I want to ask you about your views on some of Iran's neighbours, and I return to Mr. Horam's original question. What troubles me about the suggestion that the answer is to talk to Iranian exiled groups is that we talked a lot to exiled Iraqi groups about Iraq and what we got out of it was a whole bunch of misleading, out-of-date and inaccurate information.

  Lord Archer: The information that we know has been given by the Council of Resistance up to now has transpired to be only too tragically accurate. It was they who first alerted the international community to the nuclear weapons programme in Iraq; they have given a great deal of information. I am supplied with a vast amount of information by them, probably more than by any one other single group, and I have not so far come across anything that has transpired to be inaccurate. I do not think one can say any more than that.

  Q176  Ms Stuart: We must be careful of the parallels. If your information is correct, that needs to be put on the table as well.

  I want to ask you what you think about the position of Afghanistan, because on the face of it, our interest in Afghanistan in defeating the Taliban and dealing with the possible resurgence of the Taliban coincides with Iran's interest. However, it would appear that in the more recent months Iran's position has not been quite as straightforward as that. What is your latest information?

  Lord Archer: We know that Iran has been supplying weapons to extremist groups in Afghanistan. Quite what their relations are with any particular part of al-Qaeda, for example, we do not know, but there is no general council of al-Qaeda; they do not speak with one voice. There is no spokesman for them. So it could well be that certain people, even people who export terrorism like the Iranians, may not be on speaking terms with particular groups in Afghanistan. I would be ready to concede that.

  Q177  Ms Stuart: Do you have more precise information than we currently have about Iranian activity in Afghanistan? Could you add something to the evidence we have that is in the public domain so far?

  Lord Archer: No. If I obtain any, and if you will allow me to do so, I will be happy to submit it to the Committee.

  Q178  Ms Stuart: That would be very helpful. There is one other thing: one of my colleagues asked a question about Iraq and you said, "Well, who are the Iraqis? You have the Kurds," and so on. We have just been to Baku in Azerbaijan and it came to me as a great surprise that there were 13 million Azeris living in Iran. To what extent can we speak about the Iranian people and to what extent are there other factions within it?

  Lord Archer: We certainly know that the revolutionary guards have a very real presence there. There may be other Iranians who have a presence there, too; I suspect that if they cross the revolutionary guards they probably will not be there for very long as they will be assassinated. Azeris are probably a compact group, which, if I am right, do not really create serious problems for anyone. It may be that for that reason no one thinks that they want to be taken out. That is speculation, I accept.

  Q179  Ms Stuart: It is an observation. The problem is that if things get difficult they may want to try and return to Azerbaijan, and then we have a serious problem on our hands.

  Lord Archer: That may be a problem for the next Foreign Office Minister.


 
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