Submission from Mr Andrew Tyrie MP, Chairman,
All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition
I am writing about Diego Garcia in my role as
Chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary
Rendition.
I welcome the Committee's inquiry into the Overseas
Territories. The British Indian Ocean Territory (BlOT) is one
such territory, of which Diego Garcia is the largest island. I
note that your stated aims include transparency and accountability
in the Overseas Territories; the application of international
treaties, conventions and other agreements to the Overseas Territories;
and human rights in the Overseas Territories.
THE ALL
PARTY PARLIAMENTARY
GROUP ON
RENDITION
1. The All Party Parliamentary Group on
Extraordinary Rendition was formed in December 2005. Since we
began, we have collected a considerable amount of information
on many aspects of the practice, and our work has been referred
to in numerous reports, both in the UK and internationally. I
enclose a Legal Opinion by Professor James Crawford, and a briefing
paper by the New York University Centre for Human Rights and Global
Justice, which may be of use to your Committee.
2. The existence of a rendition and secret
detention programme operated by the US is no longer in dispute.
On 5 December 2005 US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stated:
"[f]or decades, the United States and other countries have
used "renditions" to transport terrorist suspects from
the country where they were captured to their home country or
to other countries where they can be questioned, held, or brought
to justice".[101]
President George Bush confirmed that this programme involved secret
detention on 6 September 2006: "[m]any specifics of this
program, including where these detainees have been held and the
details of their confinement, cannot be divulged".[102]
It is clear that in the course of this programme many detainees
have faced a real risk of torture, or of cruel, inhuman and degrading
treatment, prohibited under international law.
DIEGO GARCIA
3. There have been repeated allegations
that the US has used the British territory of Diego Garcia in
its rendition programme. These allegations are based on statements
made by former US armed forces personnel, from numerous NGO reports,[103]
and from the reports of international organisations. The Council
of Europe report of 7 June 2007, "Secret detentions and illegal
transfers of detainees involving Council of Europe member states"
(Second Report), concluded:
70. There are two more specific locations
to be considered as "black sites" and about which we
have received information sufficiently serious to demand further
investigation; we are however not in a position to carry out adequate
analysis in order to reach definitive conclusions in this report.
First we have received concurring confirmations that United States
agencies have used the island territory of Diego Garcia, which
is the international legal responsibility of the United Kingdom,
in the "processing" of high-value detainees. It is true
that the UK Government has readily accepted "assurances"
from US authorities to the contrary, without ever independently
or transparently inquiring into the allegations itself, or accounting
to the public in a sufficiently thorough manner.[104]
4. In 2004 US Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs Lawrence DiRita was asked
if there were secret detention facilities on Diego Garcia. "I
don't know. I simply don't know" he replied.[105]
Retired United States General Barry McCaffrey has twice stated
that the US Government is holding detainees at Diego Garcia, most
recently in December 2006.[106]
5. There have also been two specific allegations
made regarding the use of Diego Garcia in the US rendition programme.
The first is based on the landing at Diego Garcia of a plane linked
to so-called "rendition circuits", N379P, on 13 September
2002.[107]
This plane has also been connected to the renditions of British
residents Jamil el-Banna, Bisher al-Rawi, and British national
Martin Mubanga.[108]
The second surrounds reports that ships in or near to the territorial
waters of Diego Garcia have been used to hold detainees, or otherwise
facilitate the rendition programme.
US ASSURANCES
6. The Government has repeatedly relied
on US assurances on this issue, demonstrated in answers to Written
Questions on this issue on 26 October 2006: Column 2076W, by Dr
Kim Howells MP:
The US authorities have repeatedly given us assurances
that no detainees, prisoners of war or any other persons in this
category are being held on Diego Garcia, or have at any time passed
in transit through Diego Garcia or its territorial waters or airspace.
This was most recently confirmed during the 2006 US/UK Political
Military Talks held in London on 17 and 18 October.[109]
7. This reliance on US assurances was most
recently confirmed by the Foreign Office in a Written Answer on
11 October 2007,[110]
and by the then Prime Minister in a letter of 26 March 2007 to
the Intelligence and Security Committee, quoted in its Report
into Rendition".[111]
8. US assurances are not enough to satisfy
the UK's international legal obligations however, which arise
independently of those of the US. There is a duty to investigate
allegations of torture. The Legal Opinion of Professor James Crawford,
commissioned and published by the APPG, makes this clear:
The duty to investigate arises where a prima
facie case exists that the Convention has been breached. Credible
information suggesting that foreign nationals are being transported
by officials of another State, via the United Kingdom, to detention
facilities for interrogation under torture, would imply a breach
of the Convention and must be investigated.[112]
9. The Intelligence and Security Committee
found "a lack of regard, on the part of the U.S., for UK
concerns".[113]
The Committee continued:
"the U.S. will take whatever action it deems
necessary, within U.S. law, to protect its national security from
those it considers to pose a serious threat. Although the U.S.
may take note of UK protests and concerns, this does not appear
materially to affect its strategy on rendition".[114]
10. Clearly, the UK Government's reliance
on US assurances on this matter is unsatisfactory, and addresses
neither UK obligations in international law, nor the lack of regard
by the US for explicit UK policy. It is apparent from the 11 October
2007 Written Answer that the Government has not sought to verify
these assurances independently.[115]
SUGGESTED ACTION
BY THE
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
COMMITTEE
11. It would be of immense help if the Committee
could use its investigative powers to try and establish whether
the US military facility on Diego Garcia has ever been used, or
is being used, to facilitate the renditions or the transport of
high value detainees. Specifically:
have any detainees been rendered
through Diego Garcia;
have any planes refuelled at Diego
Garcia, on the way to or from transporting a detainee who has
been the subject of a `rendition';
have any planes passed through the
airspace of Diego Garcia, on the way to or from transporting a
detainee who has been the subject of a "rendition";
have any detainees been held onboard
ships in or close to the territorial waters of Diego Garcia;
have the military facilities on Diego
Garcia been used to facilitate the US rendition programme in any
way;
have the military facilities on Diego
Garcia been used to facilitate the US High Value Terrorist Detainee
Programme in any way?
12. Should the Committee determine that
the answer to any of these questions is "yes" it would
also be important for the Committee to establish the extent of
the UK Government knowledge of, and complicity in, the relevant
acts.
13. Whatever the answer to any of the questions
above it would be immensely helpful if the Committee could establish:
what investigations the UK Government
has carried out to verify US assurances in this matter, and;
what safeguards are in place to ensure
the UK adheres to its international obligations relating to this
issue, independent of the assurances provided by the US Government.
14. I recognize the difficulties your Committee
has encountered in investigating rendition in the past. Other
investigations have had similar problems. The European Parliament's
Temporary Committee on the Alleged Use of European Countries by
the CIA for the Transportation and Illegal Detention of Prisoners
"[d]eplore[d] the manner in which the UK Government, as represented
by its Minister for Europe, cooperated with the Temporary Committee".[116]
15. Your Committee has made a number of
important recommendations in past investigations. In the Committee's
Third Report of the 2006-07 session you recommended that the Government
seek from the US a confirmation of whether aircraft used in rendition
operations have called at airfields in the United Kingdom or in
the Overseas Territories en route to or from a rendition, and
that it make a clear statement of its policy on this practice.[117]
The Government refused.[118]
16. As you know, other organisations and
Committees have also investigated and reported on rendition in
the last year, including the Intelligence and Security Committee,
the Council of Europe, and the European Parliament. The Intelligence
and Security Committee concluded that the UK may have been complicit
in at least two renditions. Other organisations have come to similar
conclusions. All have investigated allegations of UK complicity
in the US rendition programme and the inadequacy of relying on
US assurances for the purposes of meeting the UK's international
law obligations. Bearing these findings in mind it is now particularly
important that Parliament establishes whether, and if so, to what
extent Diego Garcia has played a role in rendition.
I am placing this letter in the public domain.
15 October 2007
http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/migrants/docs/eu-counter
terrorism.pdf
http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/intelligence/
http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/intelligence/
http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/intelligence/
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=REPORT&reference=A6-2007-0020&language=EN&MODE=XML
101 http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/57602.htm Back
102
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2006/09/20060906-3.html Back
103
http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engpol300032006; Back
104
Council of Europe Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights,
"Secret detentions and illegal transfers of detainees involving
Council of Europe member states: second report", 7 June 2007,
para 70. http://assembly.coe.int/CommitteeDocs/2007/Emarty_20070608_NoEmbargo.pdf Back
105
http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engramr511772005 Back
106
http://www.reprieve.org.uk/Council_of_Europe_Report_Diego_Garcia_08.06.07.htm Back
107
Source: Reprieve flight logs. Back
108
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/article609162.ece Back
109
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/cmhansrd/cm061026/text/61026w0014.htm0610272000007 Back
110
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200607/cmhansrd/cm071011/text/71011w0006.htm07101133000060 Back
111
Intelligence and Security Committee Report into Rendition, 25
July 2007, Para 197, Back
112
James Crawford & Kylie Evans, "OPINION: Extraordinary
rendition of terrorist suspects through the United Kingdom",
9 December 2005, para 22. Available at www.extraordinaryrendition.org Back
113
Intelligence and Security Committee Report into Rendition, 25
July 2007, Para V, Back
114
Intelligence and Security Committee Report into Rendition, 25
July 2007, Para Y, Back
115
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200607/cmhansrd/cm071011/text/71011w0006.htm07101133000060 Back
116
Temporary Committee on the alleged use of European countries by
the CIA for the transportation and illegal detention of prisoners,
"REPORT on the alleged use of European countries by the CIA
for the transportation and illegal detention of prisoners"
(2006/2200(INI), 30.1.2007, para 67, Back
117
http://pubs1.tso.parliament.uk/pa/cm200607/cmselect/cmfaff/269/269.pdf Back
118
http://www.fco.gov.uk/Files/kfile/CM%207127.pdf Back
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