Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Written Evidence


Foreign and Commonwealth Office brief for Foreign Affairs Committee's visit to Azerbaijan

ENERGY SECURITY

How much of a constraint does Russia represent on efforts to develop a more independent energy relationship between the UK and EU and states in Central Asia and the TransCaucasus?

  Through significant international investment, led by BP, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) and Baku-Tbilisi-Ezrum (BTE) oil and gas pipelines have now come on stream and are supplying Caspian energy to the European markets, via Turkey. When these pipelines were still at the concept stage, some 10 years ago, before the significant rises in energy prices, there were those who questioned the return on the economic investment. Russia was one and consequently chose not to be part of the consortium, making these the first major pipelines from part of the ex-Soviet space to not run via or be controlled by, Russia.

  A major prize for the future would be for these pipelines to be used to export Central Asian energy resources, whose reserves dwarf those of Azerbaijan, to the Europe market. But the Central Asian energy producers appear largely to be tied into contracts supplying Russia, at least for the short term. The countries concerned need also to manage their political relationships with Russia. Russia has recently put a great deal of effort into courting the new leadership of Turkmenistan, including a visit by Putin and signature of an agreement on gas and oil supplies with Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, including the construction of a new, onshore Caspian pipeline.

  Despite being a net energy supplier, until recently Azerbaijan still imported gas from Russia. Likewise, despite the BTC and BTE pipelines transiting their soil, Georgia has historically been heavily reliant on imports from Russia. 2007 has seen the start of a re-balancing of traditional import and exports. Georgia accepted Russia's new terms that saw gas prices more than double, but sought and agreed terms with Azerbaijan to source a greater percentage of their demand requirements. Azerbaijan refused the same Russian terms. Russia subsequently cut off supplies to Azerbaijan and Azerbaijan responded by cutting off oil supplies to Russia.

REGIONAL SECURITY

What is the state of Russia's relations with Central Asian and TransCaucasian countries and Ukraine?

  The South Caucasus is blighted by unresolved conflicts. Nagorno Karabakh (NK) is one of these, and the result is that Azerbaijan remains in a state of war with Armenia some 15 years after the main conflict ceased. Troops remain dug in on either side of the 1994 cease-fire line (the line of Contact): there is no international peacekeeping force. People still die from sniper fire along the line of contact between the two sides, and from anti-personnel mines. A bitter rhetoric of hatred and the vast sums of GDP spent on the military forces, including equipment, of both countries ensures relations are permanently tense and potential economic growth is stunted.

  It is a generally accepted premise amongst Western states that the conflict cannot be solved without at least Russian acquiescence, given her considerable political and economic influence in the region, especially with the Armenians. And that since Russia's primary objective is to maintain that influence in the region, her default position is to prefer the status quo to resolution of the conflict. There are other Russia factors in the mix. Russia has traditionally been a close ally of Armenia, including at the time of the NK war. But with the emergence of Azerbaijan as an alternate energy supplier to the West, Moscow has made a greater effort to improve Russian-Azerbaijani relations.

  Russia is also hugely concerned at Georgia's drift into the NATO fold. It will not want Azerbaijan to follow suit. Recent developments suggest they are keen to develop military structures in line with NATO standards, and Azerbaijan has modest but significant contributions in the NATO-run International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, and the Multi National Force in Iraq.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY

  Like other ex-Soviet states, Azerbaijan started from a low baseline on human rights and democracy and in many respects, has not achieved very much by way of positive reform. Azerbaijan is traditionally a clan-based society, with control resting with a few very powerful and immensely wealthy senior personalities. Now, with Azerbaijan's energy wealth coming to fruition (the completion of the BTC and BTE oil and gas pipelines to Turkey, which have been ten years in the building), the stakes for those in power are even higher.

  Azerbaijan has noticeably developed a new level of confidence and assertiveness in international relations as her energy has come on stream. Their President avows a Western-orientated path towards eventual membership of NATO and a closer relationship with the EU, while at the same time trying to maintain a balance in Azerbaijan's relationship with Russia and the West. This includes adopting Russian examples of policy to suit Azerbaijan's leadership eg in espousing a "managed democracy" or in managing the freedom of the media though economic and other measures.

  The EU discusses human rights and good governance issues with Azerbaijan through the institutions established (Co-operation Council and Co-operation Committee) from the EU's Partnership and Co-operation Agreement with Azerbaijan. Since the adoption of the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plan in November 2006, negotiated between the EU and Azerbaijan, the dialogue should become more specific. The Action Plan lists a range of priority areas for reform that will bring Azerbaijan closer to mutually accepted values and standards, including in human rights and good governance. Human rights issues are also dealt with in the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE).

TERRORISM

  Azerbaijan is a secular Muslim country, a potentially difficult balance to maintain in stable conditions. And Azerbaijan faces many pressures. Internal ones—a poor record on human rights and democratisation, and the unlikely-to-be-fulfilled expectation that the billions of dollars of energy revenue should significantly improve the lives of the average Azerbaijani—suggest that the conditions for extremism to flourish are there. When you add to the mix Azerbaijan's geopolitical location, sandwiched between Russia's unstable North Caucasus and Iran on a North-South axis, and with Central Asia and Orthodox Armenia on an East-West axis, the risks increase as Azerbaijan's situation leaves her relatively open to external forces of terrorism.

May 2007





 
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Prepared 25 November 2007