Written evidence submitted by the EU-Russia
Centre
INTRODUCTION
This submission by the EU-Russia Centre covers
two key issues. The first concerns the prospects for a new strategic
partnership between the EU and Russia (and whether this will be/can
be an effective framework for the pursuit of UK aims in its relationship
with Russia). The second concerns how the UK and international
community can best promote civil liberties and the rule of law
in Russia.
Following the failure of the Samara summit on
18 May the prospects of negotiations on a new strategic partnership
agreement starting in the near future are bleak. The EU demonstrated
a welcome solidarity at the summit but too often the member states
are prepared to make bilateral deals with Russia which weakens
the EU position on issues such as energy.
RECOMMENDATIONS
— That the UK takes the lead in
promoting a common EU approach towards Russia. Bi-lateral agreements
between EU member states and Russia are weakening the EU as it
is seen as not speaking with one voice. Russia is adopting a more
assertive and nationalist foreign policy. It is essential that
the EU protects its own interests in a robust manner by speaking
with one voice.
— That the UK seeks to promote
European values of democracy and civil liberties, insisting that
Russia lives up to its international commitments. The UK needs
to ensure that EU Member States recognise the importance of values,
especially in holding Russia to task for the commitments it has
entered into (Council of Europe, OSCE, PCA, etc). The UK should
also promote more student and other exchanges with Russia.
— That the UK pays particular
attention to promoting the rule of law in Russia. Although Russia
has been successful recently in attracting FDI, it must recognise
that to diversify its economy it will need to ensure a transparent
legal framework and accept international standards of corporate
governance.
EU-RUSSIA RELATIONS
EU-Russia relations are based on the 1997 Partnership
and Cooperation Agreement (PCA). The PCA is scheduled to expire
this year but both sides have stated that it will continue until
a new agreement is negotiated. Moscow contends that the PCA was
negotiated during a period of Russian weakness and expects that
new negotiations will be carried out by two equals. Brussels contends
that the PCA needs to be replaced in order to provide a legal
base for new policy areas that have been developed over the past
decade. These include sensitive areas of legal and police cooperation,
as well as the energy sector.
The opening of negotiations has been delayed
due to a bilateral Polish-Russian dispute on meat exports, and
the termination of Russian oil supplies to Lithuania via the Druzhba
pipeline. The Russians alleged technical problems but it would
seem to be a clear case of the Kremlin using the energy weapon
for political purposes. In addition, Russia launched a broad attack
on Estonia (cutting transport links, boycotting Estonian goods,
cyber attacks on government websites, "sponsored" demonstrations
against the Estonian embassy in Moscow, and intimidation of the
ambassador) as a result of the Estonian government's decision
to move a Soviet war memorial from the centre of Tallinn. These
disputes have led some of the newer member states to press the
EU to adopt a tougher approach towards Russia, a position only
reluctantly accepted by other member states. To its credit, the
German presidency, under Chancellor Merkel, put the emphasis on
EU solidarity at the Samara summit. Other disputes with Russia
are the future status of Kosovo and the rights of former Soviet
countries to pursue a genuinely independent path.
Despite the difficulties of achieving a common
EU approach towards Russia, it is incontestable that all Member
States, including the UK, are likely to be more effective in securing
their aims by speaking with one voice. This applies to the security
of energy supplies, investment protection to tackling international
issues such as climate change, Kosovo, Iran and terrorism among
other topics. At present, however, both sides seem to be talking
past each other, with the Russians playing the energy power card
and the Europeans insisting on values. It is vital to explain
to Russians that a rules-based system is very much in their own
interest, not least in helping to provide a more stable environment
for foreign investment.
Given the political uncertainties on both sides,
including changes in leadership of Russia and some of the major
member states, the negotiations—whenever they start—may
last for at least two years with a further two years for ratification.
They will be wide-ranging, building on current negotiations on
the "four common spaces". One key area will be security
of energy supplies, with the EU concerned at the disruption to
supplies to some of Russia's neighboring states in the past two
winters.
Another key area will be ensuring that Russia
takes common values seriously. Russia already agreed to respect
common values on democracy, human rights and the rule of law in
the PCA as well as the Council of Europe which it joined in 1996.
But in the past few years there have been increasing concerns
at developments in Russia.
Russia is not a stable country and there are
no real democratic institutions. The rule of law and an independent
judiciary exist only on paper. Judges deliver verdicts that the
state wishes to see, corruption in law-enforcement agencies is
widespread and several show trials demonstrate that the state
often violates and/or re-writes its own laws. Civil society is
under constant threat. An alarming indicator is the huge increase
in the number of appeals to the European Court of Human Rights
in Strasbourg from Russia in the last four years.
The negative view of Russia in Europe was given
a further blow with the murders of Mrs Politskovskaya and Mr Litvinenko.
More than 25 journalists have been murdered in Russia in the past
five years. These developments are causing concern in Europe about
the direction in which Russia is heading. If there is a further
slide in popular attitudes towards Russia it may be impossible
to get a new treaty ratified by all 27 member states.
Recent research by the EU-Russia Centre reveals
limited understanding and support for democracy in Russia. Less
than a third of Russians understand the importance of the separation
of powers, a third state that they prefer the former Soviet system
and a clear majority prefers a strong president who will take
decisions. These results testify to the major role played by the
state-controlled media in influencing attitudes. At the same time,
the state-controlled media fails to address fundamental social
and economic problems such as the poor state of the health service
(around 30% of the 142 million population cannot afford medical
care) or the dismal standard of pensions (around €100-200
per month).
The UK and the EU, therefore, have a major task
ahead in engaging with Russians across the spectrum to demonstrate
the importance of European values and to strengthen democratic
forces in Russia. That engagement needs to take place among the
leaders of tomorrow and will only be achieved by developing an
understanding and appreciation of one another's cultures. There
needs to be a vast increase in the number of student exchanges
and serious consideration should be also given to abolishing visas,
encouraging more visits to EU countries by Russians from all walks
of life, giving them exposure to different values and societal
systems. This would have an immediate and positive impact on people
to people contacts.
CONCLUSION
EU-Russia relations are at a crossroads. Short-term
commercial interests cannot trump the UK and EU's long-term interests
in promoting a stable, democratic and prosperous Russia that enjoys
the same civil liberties and rule of law as EU citizens. The negotiations
for a new strategic partnership should be judged on whether they
promote these aims. A sound and long-term relationship cannot
be built between two actors who do not share common values. The
UK should lead the calls for a unified EU policy towards Russia
and encourage the 27 Member States to speak with one voice. The
UK, with its minimal dependence on Russian energy at the moment,
is in a good position to take the lead.
May 2007
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