Select Committee on Home Affairs Written Evidence


Annex 1

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AND HONOUR BASED CRIME—JOINED UP GOVERNANCE AND AN ISLAMIC APPROACH

In the name of Allah the most merciful, the most beneficent

1.  INTRODUCTION

  The aim of this talk is firstly to carry out a detailed analysis of the UK Labour Government's policy from 1997 to date in respect of domestic violence (DV). The work will seek to show how factors such as ideology, the shape of the UK's socio-economic environment, and the change in attitudes which has taken place globally in respect of the role of the state in preventing violence in the home, has resulted in the rising prominence of DV as a significant political issue, and one which the current government has, with varying degrees of success, sought to make a real effort in tackling,

    "We have invested an extra £70 million to tackle domestic violence, and on the latest figures that we have, domestic homicides are down, the number of guilty pleas is up significantly, and convictions at court have quadrupled. One of the reasons why that is happening is that there is far greater co-operation across the agencies and a far greater willingness in our court system and among the police to take domestic violence far more seriously". (Blair, PMQ's, 2006—http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/, 20 December 2006)

  After briefly introducing the key concepts that form the basis of the essay, I will look at why there have been significant differences in policy with previous governments, before then going onto analyse a series of policy initiatives observed since 1997. I will argue that the concept of joined-up government (JUG) has taken up a central role within the implementation and structure of the Labour government's DV policy. Although DV policy has involved numerous actors, I have chosen to concentrate on the key governmental and non-governmental actors, which I consider to have been most utilised and co-ordinated in order to produce new policy ideas, and then implement those initiatives effectively. Whilst I acknowledge from the start that the government has not always been successful in achieving its aims, I will argue throughout, that the situation for DV victims and their children is now markedly better now than it was and JUG has proved to be an invaluable component in bringing about improvement.

  For the purposes of this essay, I will make use of the Home Office's definition of DV as, "Any incident of threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between adults who are or have been in a relationship together, or between family members, regardless of gender or sexuality."(http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/crime-victims/reducing-crime/domestic-violence/?version=1, accessed on 24 December 2006) Whilst DV clearly affects both genders, it is proven by all respected studies world wide that women are more likely to be victims, and that the violence they suffer is of a far greater intensity and repetition (World Health Organization 2005), and the analysis will reflect this. In regards to defining JUG, I feel it is important to note that due to the increasing involvement of NGO's and voluntary organisations in defining and implementing government policy, I therefore acknowledge that the issue is becoming a key example of joined-up governance rather than government. In respect of this work I do not wish to detract from the key issues involved and get tied up in a debate on definitions however. Whilst it is of course important to recognise the differences between governance and government, I feel strongly that the core principles of JUG have formed the cornerstone of DV policy under New Labour, and so I will utilise Pollitt's definition,

    "`Joined-up government' is a phrase which denotes the aspiration to achieve horizontally and vertically co-ordinated thinking and action. Through this co-ordination it is hoped that a number of benefits can be achieved. First, situations in which different policies undermine each other can be eliminated. Second, better use can be made of scare resources. Third, synergies may be created through the bringing together of different key stakeholders in a particular policy field or network. Fourth, it becomes possible to offer citizens seamless rather than fragmented access to a set of related services". (Pollitt, 2003, 35)

  My second theme is that of the developing UK approach to Forced Marriage and Honour Based Crime. We acknowledge them both as forms of domestic violence but that they need a different approach and understanding given their cultural context and that the victims' needs and vulnerabilities may be different. Many (but not all) of the victims of such crimes in the UK are of South Asian origin—victims of their cultural rather than religious backgrounds—their plight ignored and hidden by families and communities by the concept of "Shame" and by the authorities for fear of accusations of racism. I believe educating victims, families, communities and statutory bodies on the true tenets of Islam( and of other religions )provides the best way forward to protect and prevent such abuses and to nurture healthy families and societies. We are also looking to learn from countries (hence my presence in Pakistan) who have long been tackling such issues and to work in mutually beneficial partnerships with them.

2.  FROM THATCHERISM TO THE "THIRD WAY"

  I am in no respect attempting to argue that the Thatcher governments condoned DV in any way, but through the influence of New Right ideology, and an aim to solve many of the social and economic problems of 1970's Britain through the restoration of "family values" founded upon a patriarchal society, Thatcherism as a political concept has been recognised as adopting an attitude that the family is "private", an area in which the state should largely remain unobtrusive, "Thatcherism as a political project sought to reassert the importance of a strong nation and the patriarchal family. Both were significant in the construction of its electoral bloc, and helped to justify government indifference to the increased burden that the recession and government cuts in welfare services had inflicted on women." (Gamble, 1994, 199)

  Through the use of highly divisive rhetoric, Thatcherism created an atmosphere within British society of "them" (ie the unemployed, ethnic minorities, single mothers etc), as compared to "us" (ie, the "hard working", white, middle-class majority). Although in reality this attempt to restore a patriarchal society was largely non-existent in respect of firm policy, mainly due to the fact that the Thatcher government realised that the highly flexible and easily hired/fired labour which women offered was essential as part of the move away from a manufacturing dominated economy. The often hostile attitude with which Thatcher appeared to regard some women such as single-mothers however, contributed significantly to the lack of a determined effort to firstly recognise that DV was a major problem within society, before even attempting to develop any serious initiatives with which to deal with the issue. Any intrusion into family life was often viewed by the New Right as being part of the failings of the post-war social democratic consensus, "The growth of the welfare state and the increased intervention into family life have been paralleled by a growth in concern for the privacy of the home and for the rights of the private individual. This issue is raised in a particularly acute form in the problem of wife abuse." (Pahl, 1985, 3)

  The fact that no new DV legislation was brought into effect between 1979 and 2004 is testament to the lack of action taken by the Thatcher governments. The reasons behind this lay not only from the ideological influence, but also due to the economic reality in that one of the key aims of Thatcherism was to reduce public spending as part of a contested concept often labeled as the, "rolling back of the state". (Gamble, 1994, 235) This cut in resources inevitably reduced the capacity of the state to deal with acknowledged problems such as the negative effects of unemployment on society, never mind a relatively "unknown" policy area, which DV was at the time. This failure to recognise the far reaching costs of DV to society and the economy, is one of the key distinguishing features of the Thatcher and Blair governments, "The total cost of DV to services (Criminal Justice System, health, social services, housing, civil legal) amounts to £3.1 billion, while the loss to the economy is £2.7 billion. This amounts to over £5.7 billion a year". (Walby, 2004, 1)

  Whilst the Thatcher and Major years produced little in the form of DV related policy, the same can not be said following the election of New Labour into power in 1997. There are several factors why Labour has taken up the issue under Blair, none more so than the presence of a significant number of female MP's, with 101 elected into office in 1997, alongside a recognition of how vital it was for New Labour to appeal to women in order to achieve electoral success. The issue has also tied into many of the core principles of New Labour's "Third Way" style of social democratic politics, combining sound economics with an aim to tackle the negative consequences of society, and rather than demonizing single-mothers for example, "The (Labour) government wanted women to take their place as `economic equals to men' while still supporting them in their accustomed nurturing role. The government's ultimate objective was to encourage as many single parents as possible to enter the labour market". (Fielding, 2003, 200)

  As Pollitt (2003) notes, the concept of JUG is not a new one, as is often portrayed by New Labour, and can be observed to varying degrees in every post-war government. JUG offered New Labour not only a "catchy" term from which to promote an image of change and "modernisation" of the British state, but of much greater significance, JUG was a tool which would allow the government to improve public services, without risking the political dangers of increasing public spending too early after the election victory, "(JUG) could take forward the government's agenda without requiring large increases in spending in the short term, or major structural re-organisation which might prove a distraction." (Perri et al, 2002, 20) The degree to which significant changes had to be initiated within the DV issue is shown by the statistic that a victim "may go to 10 different agencies before she eventually gets help" (Judicial Studies Board, 2004, 6), and so whilst Blair did not have DV specifically in mind when he promoted the idea of JUG, I would argue that it would be difficult to find another area or issue in which the core objectives of JUG were so desperately required, "DV is a complex issue and is not something that one agency, acting in isolation, can resolve. It demands a multi-agency approach, where both statutory and voluntary agencies engage to meet the needs of the victim." (ACPO, 2004, 2)

3.  INTER-MINISTERIAL DOMESTIC VIOLENCE GROUP

  In 2002, as a result of consultation between myself and the Chancellor Gordon Brown, the Treasury brought about the revival of the dormant Inter-Ministerial Group on DV. This has become the main engine for bringing about change through JUG. The group is headed by Baroness Scotland of the Home Office, and includes senior ministers from inter alia Health; DCA; ODPM (Housing [now Communities and Local Government (CLG) since May 2006) and Education. The group meets at a ministerial level at least quarterly to co-ordinate and initiate new DV policy. Senior civil servants supporting the group meet more regularly to carry out the detailed work. Before this group came into being, there was little or no co-ordination or communication on DV issues between departments and different parts of the country, resulting in a huge waste of resources, lack of a spread of best practice, and the response for the victim becoming a "post code lottery". By way of example, at one point, there were two separate groups in the Home Office and one in the DCA, working on the issues of Data Protection and the sharing of information in DV cases, without even being aware of each others existence.

  An extremely successful piece of JUG which could not have been contemplated in the Thatcher era, and which was not without its difficulties for government due to the competing interests of the two major DV charities, was the setting up and funding by government of a national DV helpline (2003), a project run jointly by Women's Aid and Refuge. Another example of the role which JUG has played within the group has been the creation in 2005, of a joint specialist unit in partnership between the Home Office and the Foreign Office, to create the highly effective Forced Marriage Unit. It is very unlikely that any of the initiatives to be set-out below would have taken place without the authority behind the Inter-Ministerial DV group, together with the active support to it of both the Chancellor and PM.

  Figure 3.1 below is a snapshot of many of the projects which have been brought about since 1997, and although I will not discuss them all within this essay, I still feel the table still provides a valuable picture of how vital JUG has been to the Labour government's policy on DV:

Figure 3.1

AN OVERVIEW OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE PROJECTS


ProjectInitiatives/Area Research/Monitoring BodyAims/Objectives
Criminal and Civil Justice—  Intimidated witness support service (Brighton)
—  "Standing Together": Making the Law work for women
—  Co-ordinated Community Responses
Criminal Policy Research Unit, South Bank University, London —  To decrease police and CPS discontinuance levels and increase the number of individuals prosecuted and convicted
—  Increase the number of initial reports and decrease repeat victimisations
—  Raising Awareness and training of police and magistrates
Protection and Intervention—  Use of Cameras and Development of a Multi-Agency Database (Thurrock)
—  Alarm Systems (Wales)
Criminal Policy Research Unit, South Bank University, London —  To reduce repeat victimisations and the fear of reporting
—  Enable women to stay in their homes and provide an improved and more integrated service to those experiencing violence
BME—  Reducing DV Project (Birmingham)
—  Victim Advocacy and Safety Counselling (Tower Hamlets)
—  DV Advocacy Service (Croydon)
University of East London—  To raise Awareness in Asian and other BME communities
—  Reduce levels of violence and repeat victimisation
—  Increase efficiency & protection through use of culturally sensitive services
Health—  Early Intervention Project (North Devon)
—  Enhanced Evidence Gathering Scheme (Salford)
—  DV Programme (Birmingham)
—  Primary Care Project (Wakefield)
Faculty of Health & Social Care, South Bank University, London —  To reduce repeat victimisations
—  Improve Partnership Working
—  Raise awareness amongst health professionals
—  Encourage safe disclosures in health settings, improve access to support
—  Improve training & awareness, recording & monitoring
—  Developing information sharing protocols
Multi-Service—  "Staying Put" (Bradford)
—  Safety Net (Camden)
—  Multi-Agency DV Project (Cheshire)
—  Sunflower Centre (Northampton)
—  Tools for Practitioners (Suffolk)
School for Policy Studies, University of Bristol —  To increase initial reporting
—  Reduce repeat victimisation
—  Increase women's self-esteem
—  Develop multi-agency working
—  Increase women's safety through screening
—  Help lines and legal support
Education & Awareness—  Violence Against Women Project (Bridgend)
—  NSPCC Patchwork Initiative (North Yorkshire)
—  STAR project (Southampton)
—  Respect Initiative (Thurrock)
Canterbury Christ Church University College —  Raise Awareness
—  Changes Attitudes
—  Educate children and professionals and challenge existing attitudes through curriculum delivery, media campaigns, drama & websites.

Source: Home Office Website, "Tackling Domestic Violence: Effective Interventions & Approaches
http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs05/hors290.pdf, accessed on 20 December 2006)


4.  POLICE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

  Up until 1997, there was no national police policy or training in respect of DV, and little or no acknowledgement of its seriousness as an offence. The only relationship between the police, other government agencies and NGO's, was that of mutual distrust, the NGO's being regarded as dangerous feminist lead organisations, hell-bent on destroying the "family", and the NGO's regarding the Criminal Justice System, and other governmental agencies, as being upholders of a patriarchal society which endangered women and their children. The changes within the police commenced rapidly from 1997 onwards, and were tied up to the alterations in attitudes to hate and race crime. Pockets of excellence developed throughout the UK, in particular in the Metropolitan Police's Hate Crime Unit, which was significantly also responding to the Lawrence Enquiry. (1999) A Met led project named "Adhikhar International" in 2000, brought together for the first time in true partnership NGO's, Criminal Agencies and the Judiciary to initiate national policy changes.

  The new Labour government had within it, female ministers such as Harriet Harman (now Minister of State in the Department for Constitutional Affairs), who had campaigned for DV victims from a grass roots level throughout their political careers, and were now in a position to provide government support and also seek funding in order to effect change. A further factor was the advent of the Office of the Mayor of London, and the election of Ken Livingstone, himself a lifelong campaigner on issues of DV. He appointed and funded renowned NGO leaders in the field such as Anni Marjoram, to bring about joined-up change within the capital, the good practice of which spread nationwide. By way of example, the Mayor's DV newsletter has in effect, become the national means of sharing current best practice and information, "The Mayor published the London DV Strategy in November 2001. It is the first citywide strategy to coordinate the work of organisations dealing with the problem of DV".

(http://www.london.gov.uk/view_press—release.jsp?releaseid=1046, 24 December 2006)

  Arising directly from the Adhikhar project, the government supported and funded the "Raising the Standards" (DCA, 2003) inter-governmental initiative (which I Chair) from 2000 to date, whereby the governmental agencies and NGO's of England, Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland, the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man, meet regularly to share and develop justice and other policy initiatives throughout the British Isles, with one of the published terms of reference being the, "Identifying and sharing what is considered to be best practice in relation to all aspects of dealing with victims and perpetrators of DV including strategies leading to the prevention of future incidents". (DCA, 2006, 2) Adikhar carried out a nationwide 24 hour snapshot of reported DV incidents, providing for the first time a database of the extent of the issue, and discovered for example, "An average of 3% of all calls to the police for assistance are for DV. This equates to over 570,000 each year". (Hall, 2004, 7)

  In the newly proactive climate, the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO), under its then lead, ACC Jim Gamble, developed between 2002-06, the full partnership of NGO's and government, agreement over national standards and training programmes for all police officers, a policy on the disciplining of police officers who were themselves perpetrators (annex 1), and a protocol between the police and the Civil courts for the exchange of information on perpetrators. Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) followed this up with a year long thematic inspection report on all 43 forces, with the recommendations being continually monitored. The Crime Prosecution Service (CPS) in conjunction with ACPO and other agencies developed a national proactive policy on the prosecution of DV offences, with specialist training for all prosecutors, and 43 specialist officers. Partnership between heads of ACPO and the CPS was the foundation of the DV and Witnesses Act 2004, which was personally initiated by the Prime Minister and taken forward by Harriet Harman, through which the government consulted nationally, including the Lord Chancellor's multi-agency DV Advisory Board. As a good example of JUG in action, in every case were police are called to an incident of DV regardless of the outcome, if children are present in the home, a report is automatically made to social services. (APCO, 2004)

  Judicial training, non-existent pre-1997 at all levels in this area, has been and continues to be expanded and improved. Most recently in December 2006, the Family Justice Council, (of which I am a member together with Chairing its Domestic Violence Steering Group) in response to Lord Justice Wall's report into the Women's Aid investigation into a growing number of deaths during contact, made far reaching proposals for change within the Family Justice System, including enhanced multi-agency awareness training for all participants in the system.( summary Annex 2) A national programme for training in DV awareness for all 100,000 plus lay magistrates is being rolled out nationwide by 43 nationally trained specialist advisors.

  As part of the 2004 DV Act, multi-agency homicide reviews including voluntary organisations, the police and social services and previously piloted by the Metropolitan Police, will be rolled out nationwide to investigate and learn from the causes of the current grim statistic that, "Two women are dying each week and one man almost every other week". (Hall, 2004, 6)

  The partnership between the DCA, Home Office, CPS, Probation Service, Judiciary and NGO's, has lead to the creation of nationwide multi-agency specialist DV Criminal Courts and the first integrated DV Court located in Croydon (based on the New York model and developed under advisance of the New York Court System), by which the same Judge deals with all aspects of a case; civil, family and criminal, operating a joined-up "one-stop shop". In 2007 the government will be funding a national network of Victim Advocates who will support the victim throughout the court process and be his/her liaison with housing, health, education, counselling and all aspects of the court process. This support system is expected to lead to a dramatic reduction in retraction of victim's statements, and vastly increase the rate of successful prosecutions, in stark contrast to the situation during the Thatcher era when, "Studies demonstrated the reluctance of both the police and the CPS to pursue the prosecution process in cases of domestic assault due to an unwillingness to `interfere' between husband and wife". (Barron, 1990, 28e)

  In the Family Justice System, the Family Justice Council DV steering group has initiated in 2006, a national multi-agency training programme on DV risk assessment and awareness, for all 43 local Family Justice Councils, and works in close partnership with ACPO, other government agencies and NGO's, offering advise to ministers in order to enhance the response of the family system to DV. We distribute, in conjunction with the DCA, a quarterly newsletter to the local justice councils and by their website, including all the latest news and information. I have just completed the development of a DVD, which will be distributed nationwide, to prepare and explain to victims the court process of injunctive relief and to act as training tool of best practice for practitioners and judiciary at all levels. This is funded and developed as a partnership between the FJC, DCA and the Family Law Bar Association and is particularly aimed to assist victims from ethnic minorities. It shows real judges, courts and women's aid workers in action—with the voices of real survivors being heard. It was developed from a similar DVD made in Northern Ireland and distributed through the auspices of RTS- joined up governance in action this week!

5.  HEALTH

  Prior to 1997, apart from a small number of isolated initiatives, there was no response within the health service to DV despite the fact that, "The cost to the NHS for DV related physical injuries is around £1.2 billion a year. Whilst the estimated cost of cases related to mental health is an additional £176 million". (Walby, 2004, 1) Indeed Ann Keen MP (PPS to the Chancellor), told me of when she was a senior nurse at a London teaching hospital, and requested the development of a DV policy for the hospital, she was threatened with disciplinary action is she persisted. The government have now appointed a national DV advisor—to the NHS, and in 2006 published a series of early intervention training guidelines to be distributed and supported nationally. In 2004 DV was added to the curriculum for the training of all medical students and the Nurse's Union CDNA in conjunction with the DCA and APCO have developed national best practice guide for health workers on the specialist DV issue of elder abuse. Through the "Raising the Standards" initiative and the work of the national health advisor—Christine Mann, a national screening programme for all pregnant women has been brought into effect throughout the British Isles. Figure 5.1 shows how important the role of health workers is in identifying possible DV cases:

Figure 5.1

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE INCIDENTS IDENTIFIED


Agency
DV Cases Identified
Year 1
Year 2
Total across years 1 & 2

Health Visitors
12 (11% of those screened)
24 (38% of those screened)
36 (20% of those screened)
Social Care Services:
Immediate Needs Team
11
34
45

Source: Home Office (2005) "Tackling Domestic Violence: Effective Interventions & Approaches, 33—
http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs05/hors290.pdf accessed on 20 December 2006


  Despite the full co-operation of nurses, psychiatrists and A&E staff, all bodies locally and nationally continue to experience difficulties in engaging General Practitioners in the multi-agency response to tackling DV, of particular importance as GP's are often on the front line and first point of contact for the majority of people seeking assistance, "Normalising victimisation through failing to respond to the disclosures of DV, either because of an acceptance that this is normal within a relationship, or that violence is the outcome of non-compliance with patriarchy". (Williamson, 2000, 184)

  The NHS through its specialist advisor has however been at the forefront of the particular current interest of the Inter-Ministerial Group in developing a corporate and work-place response to DV, with policies to assist employers to respond to staff who are victims. In the case of the health service, research carried out by the Corporate Alliance and the several Health Trusts has disclosed that, "Employees are themselves subject to domestic violence and so cost the service in terms of increased sickness absence, lost productivity and medical and psychiatric care. By raising awareness of the issue and implementing supportive policies, the NHS will be helping to reduce the number of DV cases and the costs to the service". (NHS, 2006, http://www.nhsemployers.org/practice/practice-222.cfm, accessed on 20 December 2006). In 2007 the "Raising the Standards" international conference will concentrate on the effects of DV to industry, the conference being sponsored by major financial institutions.

  One of the primary reasons why we have been able to make advances in the response of all agencies to DV in the UK has been the acknowledgment—slow in coming—(led by renowned child psychiatrics such as Drs Danya Sturge and Clare Glazer from Great Ormond Street Children's Hospital) of the dire effects DV has on the development of children and the cost to society in terms of their health/housing costs,propensity to crime, failure to make future successful partnerships and inability to develop their educational economic potential. A £2 million project commenced in 2006 as a partnership between Liverpool and Manchester Universities and a major Merseyside teaching hospital to study the effects over a five year period on the physical, educational and psychological development of children living in families where DV is present in comparison to a control group. The children are selected and studied from in utero and I am proud to be a board member and advisor to the project.

6.  HOUSING/EDUCATION

  Government sponsored research, having disclosed the effects of DV on childhood development and education and the necessity for early intervention, lead to the PM himself initiating a Cabinet Office/DFES initiative taking the form of a "soap" opera DVD to be shown in schools with a full teaching support package, and is called "Watch Over Me", dealing amongst other issues with DV and forced marriage. (I have copies with me to give away). Similarly the Treasury sponsored "Sure Start" (1998) pre-school scheme identifies small children effected by living in a home in which DV is a feature, and employs councillors and health workers to address their trauma. It has still proven difficult due to pressures of the national curriculum and inevitable costs, in order to have "Watch Over Me" utilised nationally, and for DV awareness to become part of every schools personal development programme, and this is still an area in which a great deal of work is still required.

  One of the most staggering statistics I came across during research was that, "40% of all homeless women stated that DV was a contributor to their homelessness . . . and DV was found to be the single most quoted reason for becoming homeless". (Hall, 2004, 7) Large amounts of government investment have also been made in partnership with the women's organisations to upgrade existing refuge provision to provide on-suite accommodation, with the ability to also accommodate families with disabilities. A growing number of refuge places are now funded through the CLG department, including the recent "Safe Room" initiative (2006), however there continues to be a long running disagreement between the government and the entirety of the women's associations over the funding of refuge places of those who constitute probably the most vulnerable group of DV victims, namely immigrant women who have not yet obtained the right to remain in the UK and therefore have "no recourse to public funds".

7.  DV POLICY DEALING WITH BME COMMUNITIES

  On the issue of violence Islam directs people in the Qur'an. It states:

    "O ye who believe! Stand out firmly for justice, as witnesses to Allah, even against yourselves, your parents, or your kin, whether it is against rich or poor, for Allah can protect both. Follow not the lusts (of your hearts), lest you swerve, and if your distort or decline to do justice, verily Allah is well-acquainted with all that you do"1 Sura an Nisa 4:135

  In recent years we in the UK have made the connection between Forced Marriage, Honour Crime and Domestic Violence and have reached out into the communities were these practices take place and commenced a process of bringing perpetrators to justice, supporting victims and most importantly, through education in all its forms, seek to change hearts and minds.

  In 2000 following an extensive consultation, the working group on Forced Marriage published "A Choice by Right". The Government has since produced guidelines for Police, Social Services, education Professionals on tackling forced marriage and will preparing similar guidelines for health Professionals later this year. We have also commissioned international guidance for lawyers.

  My Government takes forced marriage very seriously. It is a form of domestic violence and an abuse of the human rights. Victims can suffer many forms of physical and emotional damage including being held unlawfully captive, assaulted and repeatedly raped.

"I sobbed. `I will come back, but I can't marry that man'.

Don't bother. In our eyes you're dead."

"Shame", Jasvinder Sanghera—2007.

  The UK Government sponsored a series of six nationwide multi-agency conferences, which I Chaired, between 2003-04 on the issues effecting victims from the Asian community, with a government minister speaking at each. The strength of a joined-up response has been of particular value in this area, due to the sensitivity and barriers created by cultural, religious and race issues. ACPO has setup a specialist "honour" based violence working group, which is developing a co-ordinated national police response, and sponsoring research into, this increasingly recognised form of DV. The government, again through the Inter-Ministerial group, is using its now established procedures for multi-agency engagement in seeking to develop an effective response, in particular utilising the auspices of the Women's National Commission, to consult and engage with otherwise hard to reach Asian women's organisations. Specialist BME refuge's and out-reach services are being setup nationally and in conjunction with Derby University in 2006, developed a government sponsored mentoring scheme for victims of forced marriage.

  The British Council and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office have undertaken an extensive three year programme to tackle Honour Crime in Sindh- including a World Conference, education and media programmes. Last week I was in Karachi with Her Majesty's Inspector of Constabulary—Robin Field-Smith and a team of officers from South Yorkshire and the Metropolitan Police, as part of that ongoing work.

  Forced marriage is not solely a "Muslim" or "South Asian" problem. The Forced Marriage Unit (FMU) has dealt with cases from East Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Europe. Freely given consent is a prerequisite of Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Muslim and Sikh marriages.

  It affects both young women and young men—around 15% of the cases the FMU deals with involve males.

What help is there available for people at risk of forced marriage?

  If anyone fears they may be forced into marriage overseas, or know someone else who may be, the FMU can help. The sooner they know about the case, the more they can do to help. The FMU can be contacted by calling 020 7008 0230, 020 7008 0135 and 020 7008 8706 or e-mailing fmu@fco.gov.uk. All calls and e-mails will be dealt with on a confidential basis by skilled caseworkers fully aware of the cultural, social and emotional issues surrounding this abuse.

  As well as giving advice, our caseworkers can also take practical steps to intervene is we are asked to do so. For example, they can liaise with other authorities for young people in the UK to be made a ward of court and their passports confiscated to prevent them being taken and married overseas. If the young person has already been taken overseas, FCO consular staff can work with the local police and judiciary to try to help those at risk, and, in extreme cases, can mount a "rescue mission" to rescue and repatriate victims.

  Over the last four years, the Government has helped almost 1000 cases of forced marriage and has rescued and repatriated around 200 young people from overseas. However, many more cases are not reported and others are dealt with by other agencies.

  The minimum age for marriage entry clearance has been raised from 16 to 18. This is to give those who face forced marriage extra time in which to mature and resist familial pressure to enter a marriage that they do not want. In support of this an extra entry clearance officer has been established in Islamabad. This officer will help these reluctant spouses, as well as assisting those who have been abandoned in Pakistan by their partners, and who have a right to return to the UK. This increases our ability to support victims and stop further abuse in the wake of forced marriage.

  The Forced Marriage Unit also undertakes a great deal of publicity, outreach and awareness raising work to target communities. They speak at around 75 events each year across the UK. They also work closely with the media and have appeared in everything from Eastern Eye to Dear Deidre in The Sun. They have funded missdorthothy.com to provide a range of videos and online resources particularly aimed at young people. One of these videos is the "Someone to watch over me" soap, a copy of which has been distributed to every secondary school. They also acknowledge the work the community themselves are undertaking on this issue. For instance, a range of youth, women's and race groups have been campaigning on this issue for many years, and it is usually women's groups who organise awareness raising events to which we are invited. Faith groups too are playing a role—for example, there has been a conference of Imams in Tower Hamlets, the Sikh community in Walsall has held events, and the Muslim Parliament is very active.

  The Home Office has also provided funding for a National Forced Marriage Steering Group bringing together partners from the voluntary sector, statutory agencies and central government.

  On 26 January 2005 the Home Office and Foreign and Commonwealth Office launched a new joint Forced Marriage Unit. The new unit is a one-stop shop to undertake policy, projects and give practical advice to people at risk of being forced into marriage. The Unit works closely with a wide range of community groups, women's groups and NGOs in combating forced marriage.

  The UK Police initiatives have been led by the Metropolitan Police and I wish to pay credit here to Commander Steve Allen and Laura Richards of the Homicide Prevention unit and to Nazir Afzal of the Crown Prosecution Service for their dedication to the victims of murder in the name of so called honour. They have developed new and innovative ways of analysing, understanding, investigating and preventing honour based violence. Their work has informed Police training and best practice nationally particularly with regard to risk assessment and risk management. They have concluded that there is no typical case of Honour Based Violence (HBV). Honour Killings are "atypical" and they fall within the "umbrella" of honour crime and hbv. Many of these crimes are interlinked—being drivers for one another.

    —  Domestic violence.

    —  Forced marriage.

    —  Acid attacks.

    —  Dowry related crime.

    —  Bride price.

    —  Female genital mutilation.

    —  Honour rape.

    —  Customs like "swara".

    —  Female infanticide.

    —  Blood feuds.

  Victims are often subject to psychological pressures that can lead to mental breakdown, self-harm and even suicide.

  We are not judging cultures we are judging murderers and those that shield them from justice.

  Most countries have signed up to Human Rights conventions and there has been a great deal of research and international co-operation on these issues yet we seem powerless to date to effect change. We now understand the misguided concept of "Honour" that crime committed in its name is based in feudalism, lack of education and denial of the fundamental human rights of women. We acknowledge that it is forbidden by all of the major religions and in particular Islam. I believe that change will only come when there is determined, assertive, consistent action by governments, faith leaders, judiciary, police, the media and educationalists.

  Abu Said Al Khudri narrates that he heard that Prophet (PBUH) say "Whosoever of you sees an evil action, let him change it with his hand; and if he is not able to do so, then with his tongue; and if he is not able to do so, then with his heart, and that is the weakest of faith".[252] This hadith of the Prophet places an obligation on all Muslims to stop abuse actively. It is actually a sign of a deficient heart if all the Muslim does is feel that an action is evil, but takes no action.

    —  Governments need to enact legislation that outlaws all forms of Honour crime. Only this week our Prime Minster has given his personal support to the enactment of legislation making Forced Marriage unlawful (annex 4) They need to make funds available (with international help if needed) for training of professionals, education in schools, Media campaigns, protection of potential victims and support of NGOs.

    —  Faith leaders are needed to educate their communities to understand that such crimes are abhorrent to God and all religions The Qur'an forbids any equation where the product is violence or abuse. The Qur'an says "Let there be a community (or Ummah) among you, advocating what is good, demanding what is right, and eradicating what is wrong. These are indeed the successful (3:104). You are the best community ever raised; you enforce what is right, fight what is wrong, and believe in Allah (3:110).

    —  Police need to develop and enforce best practice and training so that thy protect the victims and not the perpetrators. Our Police have been at the forefront of seeking to outlaw Forced marriage (Annex 3) The Qu'ran states that "Indeed if any do help and defend themselves after a wrong (done) to them, against such (them) there is no blame. The blame is only against those who oppress by wrongdoing and insolently transgress beyond bounds through the land, defying right and justice, for which there will be a penalty grievous".[253] 1 Sura ash Shura 42:41/42

    —  The Judiciary must be well trained to understand the causes and effects of Honour based crime. They have a clear and heavy duty to protect the oppressed without fear or favor. Not only must they ensure that laws are enforced but also put in place measures so that the courts are safe places which victims can access without suffering further at the hands of their oppressors, Our Judiciary have been at the forefront of developing innovative ways of using the civil law to prevent Forced Marriage and protect its victims and have been major supporters of the new proposed legislation.

  The Qur'an states that "And him that seeks thy help thou shalt never chide"

8.  CONCLUSION

  The Labour Government's record on tackling DV through the use of JUG has been successful to a degree, however as with other core New Labour policy initiatives, there have been significant problems. As with other projects utilising JUG, there have been the usual difficulties associated with adopting a more holistic approach to governance, namely issues of accountability, the institutionalising of new structures, a lack of clear communication of aims and objectives by central government, and a scarcity of funding. One has to recognise that in some areas, political rhetoric and "sound bites" have not been backed up with adequate resources. An example of this came following the DV Act (2004), in which despite the Treasury being in full knowledge of what it costs not to deal with DV issues, it has still proved very difficult for the respective agencies and projects to obtain long term funding. Although the Act came into force in 2004, due to this lack of funding most of the provisions will not actually come into effect until July 2007, and this was only after a sustained period of pressure from both within and outside of the government, including senior ministers and members of the judiciary. This is even more surprising as the Chancellor's wife is a patron of the Women's Aid organisation and Cherie Blair QC has been a high profile DV campaigner and supporter of Refuge, however maybe due to the fact that DV is often perceived as a "women's issue", this has in turn hampered efforts when decisions are made in the Treasury under electoral related pressures.

  A report on the government's record in this area entitled, "Making the Grade" (2005), identified key failings, including an inadequate response in some regions of the UK due to a lack of effective police training, and a severe lack of response by some social services due to a lack of understanding and resources, "The report identifies that in almost every area a more integrated and co-ordinated approach would bring about huge benefits.

  "Attempts at inter-departmental working and partnerships are evident, but are duplicated across DV, sexual offending, prostitution and trafficking. The Home Office could really take the lead in co-ordinating cross-departmental work and it is disappointing to see it is still not reaching its full potential in all areas in this regard." (Women's National Commission, 205, 27)

  Whilst there have indeed been clear problems, I believe however that the situation for DV victims is significantly better now than it was pre 1997, and JUG has played an invaluable role within the achievements and changes which have been brought about since 1997. There is of course a lot of work still to be done, but the Labour government has identified and attempted to tackle an issue which lies at the core of many of society's problems through a circle of violence, the extent to which is still being discovered. If New Labour has started a process which will eventually lead to the long term reduction in the number of people within the UK who are victims of DV, then this could definitely prove to be an area in which the Blair legacy is a positive one. I have no doubt at all that any future UK government of any persuasion would continue the improvements that have been made—public opinion would not allow other wise and the Conservative party of today is a very different creature from the past—indeed its leader David Cameron has been advocating the criminalisation of Forced Marriage.

  Funding and the lack of it is a constant difficulty for those wishing it bring about improvements for victims of DV and child abuse in the affluent First World. NGOs are swamped and under resourced and receive only short term funding making it very difficult for them to plan ahead. Many women continue to be turned away from refuges due to lack of space. These problems are magnified a thousand fold in developing nations. However, many of the advances I have outlined above have come about due to changing attitudes and methods of practice and by inspired leadership from very small number of men and women of good will and insight. Much can be achieved on small budgets particularly if there is cooperation between agencies, countries and regions in seeking to find solutions suitable for Asian culture and circumstances and if we in the privileged first world stand alongside our brothers and sisters offering our support, encouragement, advances and wherever possible finances. Our Prophet (PBUH) was a man who dreamed big dreams and so must we.

Marilyn Mornington

8 March 2007



252   Muslim. Back

253   ????? Back


 
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