Select Committee on International Development Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Dr Edward Clay,[91] Overseas Development Institute

WFP: THINKING BEYOND THE CURRENT FUNDING CRISIS

Overview

  1.  The Executive Director of WFP (ED), Ms Josette Sheeran, has recognised that the present crisis offers a unique opportunity to engage with recipient countries and donors to make the WFP into an agency which has an enhanced and more effective role within the international system.[92] The ED has explicitly acknowledged WFP's dependence on voluntary funding. But in asking how the UK, the European Union and donors more widely should respond now and in helping to frame a new longer term strategy for WFP, there is a need to acknowledge frankly the underlying reasons why WFP is facing such a serious funding crisis.

  2.  WFP is partly just the victim of unforeseeable, massive increases in commodity prices. But its long established strategy of relying excessively on voluntary contributions in the form of unassured surplus commodities from some donor countries, especially the US, is the other important contributory factor, an uncomfortable issue that needs to be recognised and addressed. Some suggestions are made on how the UK and other donors might respond to the current funding crisis and the underlying resourcing issue.

Food prices: an uncertain prospect[93]

    "When is a bend a trend?" (Professor Sir Alec Cairncross)

  3.  The short term (1-2 year) outlook for food prices is highly uncertain. Almost everyone has been caught by surprise in the last six months by how fast and far prices have risen. This has been variously ascribed to record stock lows and consumption highs, the diversion of grain and oilseed feedstocks to biofuel production and the accelerating demand for grain-fed meat. The prevailing wisdom now is that, against this strong demand scenario, aggregate foodgrain supply response in the short term will be insufficient to pull prices down very much.

  4.  Views on the medium and long-term outlook appear divided. There are those who see an inherently higher supply elasticity (due to input mobilisation, infrastructure investment and genetic improvements—presumably a mix of private and public sector responses to the higher prices and humanitarian risks). Others are convinced that the fundamentals of agricultural resource use and production structures are undergoing a "permanent" major shift (eg towards larger scale units, which are slower coming on stream but are ultimately less price responsive) and as a consequence food prices will stay high for at least a decade or more. The WFP's own prognosis reflects this presumption that prices are likely to remain high.

  5.  There is nevertheless a risk of a major correction—a sharp fall in prices and even the accumulation of what may prove to be transient surplus stocks. There has been a flow of highly speculative hedge funding into both hard and soft commodities as a safe home after the sub-prime mortgage debacle. So movements in financial markets and the oil price are also key variables. They are probably linked, to the extent that a weakening oil price would reduce soft commodity prices, which in turn could cause an outflow of hedge funds, thus exacerbating any soft commodity price falls. Meanwhile, it seems that OPEC now thinks the "proper" price for oil is at least $100/barrel. Biofuels as a new market has yet to establish itself and could experience volatility, especially if there were a short term weakening of oil prices. This is a situation of extreme uncertainty, because so many different inter-connected markets are currently "unstable".

  6.  In these circumstances it is desirable to ask how WFP and the donor community would respond if prices were to fall sharply and there were a rapid but build up of stocks. There have been serious efforts in the stalled Doha Round to ensure that food aid ceases to be a potentially source of distortion in recipient country and international markets. There is also an opportunity in addressing the short term funding crisis to reach an understanding about the organisation's future strategy so that it does not again become a vent for donor surpluses.

The problem of moral hazard

  7.  The way in which WFP has been funded leads to a problem of moral hazard. The General Funds after approval by the Executive Board as a target on a biennial basis were perpetually undersubscribed. In these circumstances, there has been a powerful temptation to accept any contribution in kind to sustain the programme's global presence. Unfortunately, some of these donor commitments reflect short-term availability of commodities that are contingent on both low prices and high stocks levels. WFP was set up to provide development food aid and relief on the presumption of continuing structural surpluses. This assumption broadly held from 1963 until 1972 and again from 1976 until the early 1990s. So long as there were structural surpluses, then a hand-to-mouth funding of what are long term development projects was feasible. However, if there is a global price spike or surpluses temporarily disappear then the development programme in particular is vulnerable to enforced cutbacks.

  8.  Those donors with more flexible budgets also come under pressure to make up the difference. In effect they are confronted with the contingent liability to ensure continuation of the programme. This is what happened during the 1970s World Food Crisis (1973-75) which provides the closest parallel to the current situation. European bilateral donors and the EU were drawn into playing a larger role in sustaining WFP.

  9.  Two developments have exacerbated the problem of moral hazard. First, the considerable expansion of protracted relief operations (since the late 1980s) creates a portfolio of activities that are expected to continue for one or more years. So the funding crisis threatens these humanitarian activities too. Second, WFP persisted with an opportunistic strategy of accepting short-term commitments to launch what are in effect longer term development projects (cf. a financial intermediary borrowing short and lending long). This strategy is viable provided the short-term funding in aggregate is relatively assured, as it was in the early days of the WFP. For example dairy development projects were launched on the presumption of the continuity of EC dairy surpluses in the 1970s and 1980s even though the Commission was only able to budget on an annual basis. Unfortunately WFP continued with this strategy even when it appears increasingly likely that we have entered an era of transitory surpluses.[94] This became apparent during the 1990s with a period of tight cereal markets (1995-96) quickly followed by a return to overhanging surpluses in 1998-99.

  10.  The WFP was not alone in failing to recognise the changing circumstances which undermined the long established surplus based resourcing strategy. The availability of US surpluses, including cereals, vegetable oil and milk powder in 1998-99 was seen by one of the founding fathers of WFP, former Senator McGovern, as the opportunity to launch a food aid based food for education (FFE) and child nutrition initiative. This initiative followed some evidence of success in pilot conditional food assistance projects—distributing food to poor families on the understanding that children, especially girls, would enrol and continue to attend primary schools. This became the USDA organised McGovern-Dole initiative with initially annual budgeting commitments. USAID also promoted FFE initiatives using its food aid budget (PL480 Title II). The WFP along with US based NGOs were strongly encouraged to act as the channel for this programme, reliant on imported US commodities and processed foods.

  11.  Part of WFP's development portfolio that is now threatened includes FFE projects in both low and middle income countries such as Colombia. Understandably WFP wishes to sustain the whole portfolio of PROs and development projects through the current crisis. Poorer families are being disproportionately affected by rising food prices. Many very likely have problems of access too. Farmers will give priority to their own families and the wealthy are privileged customers.

A constructive response to the funding crisis

  12.  In responding to the current crisis there is a need to ask hard questions. Should DFID, the EC and indeed like minded donors now provide additional support to sustain food-based development projects whose viability is partly threatened by the rising cost and decreasing availability of tied food aid?

  13.  Are existing projects actually the best vehicle for assisting poor households affected by the rising cost of and problems of access to food? There are targeting issues. There are also practical issues of whether, for example, specific FFE and nutritional projects are easy to supply without assured if costly imports of processed food aid. There may be practical issues of procuring and distributing food from the local market or organising alternative probably commercially purchased imports. There may be other better ways of temporarily assisting the poor—for example providing budgetary support to governments of some of the countries worst affected by the combined food and oil price shock. This could ensure imports to prevent domestic price spikes and continuity of supply, and increasing funding of other forms of social safety net, including cash transfers. If resources are scarce, and so is organisational capacity, there may have to be a triage approach to existing programmes, especially those in middle income and rapidly growing countries with a capacity to meet additional import costs and fund their own safety nets.

  14.  The crisis provides a genuine opportunity to rethink the role of food-based social safety nets and projects to promote investment in human capital by the poor in poorer communities and poorer areas (education, nutrition and health for small children). In future the first issue to address should be whether food assistance is the appropriate way to provide social protection to the poor or promote human development?

  15.  The second issue, as WFP's "Purchase for Progress" initiative suggests, is—should food-based development programmes in low income countries be based initially on the presumption that that the food must be locally sourced?[95] Where there may be a need for imported food this should be through the market rather than relying on unassured food aid. The global food economy appears to have moved into an era of rising longer term real prices and short-term volatility. There will be surpluses, but these are likely to be transitory. Certainly those responsible for US agricultural trade policy appear to be working on a similar assumption. In drafting the current Farm Bill and in WTO trade negotiations both USDA and Congress have robustly defended the retention of all the different food aid instruments that could be used to manage and export surpluses including those currently not in use because of the tight market situation. There is a need to avoid a repetition of the mistakes of 1998-2001.

  16.  There is now a genuine opportunity to make changes of lasting significance. Here past efforts to reform food aid offer lessons. The opportune moment to achieve lasting changes is in a crisis situation. Something has to be done. Vested agri-business interests in developed countries are probably less resistant to change in a tighter market with expectations of continued high prices. The EU, the UK and European states were able to radically transform food aid, severing ties to internal agricultural policy in tighter markets of the mid 1990s. Unfortunately at an international level impetus to bring about change within WFP weakened with the return of surpluses in 1998-99.

  17.  What should be done beyond food-based famine relief? Emergency aid will remain the humanitarian priority. Nevertheless, far more can be achieved with cash as markets become more integrated, more people work, live and buy their food in an urban or peri-urban wholly cash based economy. Those affected by crises need to obtain water, soap, fuel, to replace or repair homes, equipment and clothing. WFP shows increasing interest and should take a lead in needs based assessment of humanitarian crises and in organising assistance in whatever ways are appropriate. Protracted relief should be shifted to the greatest extent possible to a cash basis.

  18.  What should be the role of food assistance outside of emergencies? Clearly school meals can play an important complementary role where there are buildings, textbooks and trained teachers who are paid. However, this should be planned as part of strengthening and widening educational opportunities for the poor. The basics of education will presumably have first claim on scarce financial resources. Financial instruments may be a more effective and efficient way to provide incentives to attendance—fee waivers, free materials and even cash transfers to poor households. There is considerable scope for supporting nutritional improvement as the recent special series of articles in the Lancet demonstrate.[96]

  19.  What goes up quickly will probably come down with a bump. The limits on agricultural production are being lifted everywhere. The draft US Farm Bill includes extra funding for agricultural support. Highly speculative fund flows have been mentioned. A correction is surely inevitable, but when? Since we cannot be sure, a real challenge is to think ahead of the curve and to avoid a return to business as usual. "The re-emergence of transitory surpluses could lead to the re-occurrence of all the old problems of food aid acting as a vent for these surpluses. For example, WFP and NGOs could find themselves once again expected to handle more food aid on behalf of some donors, but with considerable uncertainty about medium-term resourcing prospects and lack of complementary financial resources.[97]

  20.  What can DFID and the UK government do as a substantial bilateral donor, as a member of the EU, and through engaging with developing countries?

    —    Work with WFP at country level as part of a like-minded group to facilitate rapid assessment in ensuring appropriate support to country programmes that are currently in jeopardy, but conditional on a rapid reappraisal of:

    —  the appropriateness of food assistance as a form of social protection to the poor affected by the current joint food and energy price shock; and

    —  developmentally effective and efficient sourcing of food assistance.

    —    An assurance especially to least developed countries that the intention is to ensure that the real value of aid will be maintained or increased is a key to success in making proposals to make WFP more effective.

    —    Sustain efforts at an international level to end the trade and market distorting effects of food aid. If the Doha Development Round goes into hibernation, then the draft modalities for food aid proposed for eliminating trade distortion could still be taken up as the basis for a renegotiated Food Aid Convention, as well as limiting admissible forms of support to WFP.

    —    Show continued willingness to provide additional funding to WFP to facilitate changes in its programme.

  * Above all, see the crisis as an opportunity for institutional renewal within the UN, including a rationalisation of overlapping mandates. For example a collective response to WFP's 2008-09 funding crisis could be associated with a statement of understanding about the institutional and strategy changes that were envisaged.












91   Dr E J Clay is Senior Research Associate, Overseas Development Institute, London (e.clay@odi.org.uk ) and most recently lead author of the study-OECD, 2006. The development effectiveness of food aid: does tying matter? Paris. ISBN: 9264013466. Back

92   Ms Josette Sheeran, Executive Director, UN World Food Programme, Testimony to the European Parliament Development Committee, Brussels Thursday 6 March 2008. This paper adopts the distinction between food assistance-activities involving food-based support to specified final recipients and food aid as internationally funded and either locally or internationally sourced commodity aid used either to provide food assistance or sold on local markets to provide local currency support. Back

93   This section draws heavily on an exchange of e-mails with Dr Martin Evans and a Mark W Rosegrant, Director, Environment and Production Technology Division, IFPRI, Implications of Rising Food Prices for Agricultural and Rural Development Issues, Presentation to the Annual Meeting on sustainable development, World Bank, World Bank, Washington DC 21 February 2008. Back

94   Konandreas, Panos 1987. Responsiveness of food aid in cereals to fluctuations in supply in donor and recipient countries. In M Bellamy and B Greenshields, eds Agriculture and economic instability, Aldershot, UK, Gower. and Panos Konandreas, Ramesh Sharma and Jim Greenfield, 2000. The Uruguay Round, the Marrakesh Decision and the Role of Food Aid. In Clay, Edward J and Olav Stokke (eds). Food aid and human security. London: Frank Cass. Back

95   WFP, 2008. An Overview of Purchase for Progress Connecting Low-Income Farmers to Markets. Draft Briefing Paper, Rome. Back

96   The Lancet series on maternal and child undernutrition are available electronically at http://www.globalnutritionseries.org/ Back

97   Plus ca change plus ca la meme chose? A quotation from Clay Edward and others. 1997, The future of food aid: a policy review ODI, London, written at the end of the last cereal price spike. Back


 
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