Select Committee on International Development Eleventh Report


3  Prospects for peace

Improving Palestinian security

70. The Secretary of State said that the confidence building measures being promoted by Mr Blair were important for the peace process because they could provide some hope that the facts on the ground could change. However, as we have noted, such measures only extend to the West Bank—Gaza remains isolated. Mr Blair stressed how important it was for the Israelis to feel secure about their neighbours in order for them to remove the weight of the occupation.[119]

71. To this end one of Mr Blair's tasks is to help improve Palestinian security forces. For example it is hoped that, in Jenin, properly trained Palestinian forces will be able to maintain security for the new industrial park and the surrounding areas.[120] A similar initiative is planned for Nablus. The Secretary of State explained the rationale behind this:

"If you can isolate and remove the obstacles that stop these places functioning economically and backfill with Palestinian security in such a way that you provide a platform for the economy to grow without intervention by the IDF that is the path we have to take. It is a process that will proceed very much by attrition and it will be slow, but that is the nature of the beast."[121]

72. A conference on Palestinian security was held on 24 June in Berlin. Mr Blair told us he hoped to have a proper plan for Palestinian security forces as well as proposals and funding for prisons and judicial reform.[122] £80 million was pledged toward this objective at the Berlin Conference in support of Palestinian Civil Security and the Rule of Law.[123]

73. We are concerned, however, by the number and nature of Israeli military incursions which continue to take place inside the West Bank. Although we understand Israel's ongoing concern to protect its own security, these incursions raise important issues of human rights and international law and can inhibit rather than promote the creation of an effective Palestinian security sector.

74. It is also not acceptable that large numbers of elected Palestinian parliamentarians are being held without trial by Israel. This is contrary to the rule of law and runs counter to the development of a functioning democracy in the Palestinian Authority. The international community should do more to press Israel to release all prisoners it holds without trial, including parliamentarians, and do more to press Hamas to secure the release of Corporal Shalit who was captured in June 2006.

75. It is vital to develop credible and capable Palestinian security forces in the West Bank and Gaza. All efforts made in this regard are welcome and we fully support the Quartet Representative in his endeavours. It is equally important that commitments made by Israel to allow Palestinian security forces to operate in the West Bank are honoured. To this end we recommend that progress toward establishing an effective Palestinian security force be monitored by a designated third party.

The Annapolis conference

76. In November 2007 the US hosted a peace conference in Annapolis. The UK Government considers Annapolis to have been a success. According to DFID, Annapolis achieved its stated aim of producing a document agreed to by Palestinians (although not, of course, Hamas) and Israelis, and securing the attendance of significant regional players including Saudi Arabia.[124]

77. At Annapolis US President George W Bush, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas presented a well-publicized joint statement which committed both sides to recommence negotiations, with a view to having a final agreement by the end of 2008. The parties undertook to resolve "all outstanding issues, including all core issues without exception." Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas also agreed to implement their respective obligations to the 2003 Roadmap, adding that any future treaty would be "subject to the implementation of the Roadmap."[125]

78. Much has been made of the prospects for achieving a final agreement by the end of 2008. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has made a number of visits to the region to keep up the political momentum. Douglas Alexander told us that Annapolis offered the best chance for peace and that progress was continuing:

"The fact is that real negotiations are now under way as a result of Annapolis and to an unprecedented extent the international community has supported it, not simply in terms of attendance at the original meetings in Maryland but also in reinforcing it with financial commitments in December."[126]

79. The Government sought to reassure us that high-level negotiations on all the key issues were taking place but also told us that it was not privy to these. When asked about the possibility of having a peace agreement which excluded Hamas the Secretary of State said that the Government would discuss such issues with the Palestinian President and Prime Minister. He also said that he hoped that, if a peace deal could be negotiated, this would promote Palestinian unity between Fatah and Hamas.[127]

80. Others have commented that there had been very little progress since Annapolis and that a new approach was needed. Oxfam for example said,

"We are told repeatedly by the Department for International Development and by contacts in the Foreign Office that the Israelis have to be kept in the room at all costs. Our concern is that there is no progress and what is the point of keeping interlocutors in the room if they actually do not do anything about what is required, moreover, quite the contrary, only make the situation worse."[128]

Christian Aid was both sceptical and critical,

"The international optimism expressed during and after the Annapolis conference in November 2007 is misplaced. By failing to address the situation in Gaza, and excluding Hamas as a major party to the conflict, the conference only reinforced Israel's policy to isolate Gaza and undermined the credibility of the process itself."[129]

81. We questioned the Secretary of State about the extent to which a peace process could be interpreted as moving forward in a context where one party appeared to be violating the terms of the agreement by increasing restrictions to movement and access, announcing the expansion of settlements and was engaged in a conflict with Hamas in Gaza. His view was that, while it may appear as if there were "parallel universes" operating, it was important to hold on to the Annapolis process:

"Frankly Annapolis is the only show in town. For the first time in seven years we have a negotiating process moving forward. That is not to underestimate the profoundly difficult and challenging final status issues under discussion; it is not to diminish the historic alliance between the state of Israel and the United States, or the strong desire on the part of the international community collectively to find a solution to the Middle East. The reason I am optimistic is that we have a process by which progress can be made."[130]

82. We note the recent EU initiative to establish the Union for the Mediterranean, which has the promotion of peace in the Middle East as one of its aims. We welcome its achievement in bringing together Israeli and Palestinian leaders at the summit organised under the French Presidency of the EU on 13 July and look forward to further progress.

Involving all parties

83. In our last Report we argued that ways should be found to engage rather than isolate Hamas, noting that Hamas had participated in and won a majority in the internationally supervised parliamentary elections which took place in early 2006. We observed that:

"In other situations, ways have been found of UK representatives talking to those with whom we have profound and justifiable disagreements because we talk to them in their capacity as elected representatives, not in their capacity as representatives of a particular party or faction. Finding ways of achieving this in this case need not mean a dilution of the international community's insistence that Israel has the unqualified right to recognition and security within legitimate borders any more than our talking to the Government of Israel means endorsing its continued occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza."[131]

However, in its reply to our Report, the Government argued that:

"The international community is asking no more of the Hamas-led Government than it has of its predecessors namely: renounce violence, recognise Israel, and accept previous agreements and obligations, including the Roadmap. The UK is ready to engage with any government that is prepared to reflect these three principles in its policies."[132]

The Carnegie Endowment has questioned the wisdom of this approach:

"It is unrealistic to expect a total repudiation by Hamas of its vision of an Islamic state, but it is possible to work toward a situation in which the movement's leaders are compelled to accept that the logic of events is leading in a direction they are powerless to stop (as actually happened for a brief period in the 1990s)."[133]

Circumstances have changed since our last Report. Despite the appointment of a Palestinian National Unity Government in the spring of 2007, relations between Hamas and Fatah continued to deteriorate, culminating in the Hamas armed takeover of Gaza in June, the dismissal of the existing ministers by President Abbas and their replacement by a new government to be led by Salaam Fayyad.

84. The armed takeover of Gaza by Hamas was neither justified nor acceptable and the international community has recognized the government appointed by President Abbas as having jurisdiction over both the West Bank and Gaza. However, a significant section of Palestinian society still supports Hamas and the majority of serving members of the Palestinian Legislative Council were democratically elected on the Hamas-sponsored list in 2006. It is still the case that without some kind of reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, and without international engagement of all stakeholders, the peace process will not succeed.

85. We note that a similar view was reached by the our colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee in their Report on Global Security: The Middle East, published in August 2007 after the Hamas takeover in Gaza. In welcoming the appointment of Tony Blair as the representative of the Quartet, the Foreign Affairs Committee recommended "That he engage with Hamas in order to facilitate reconciliation amongst the Palestinians."[134]

86. The Quartet and the UK Government have supported the Annapolis Peace conference in the face of what appears to many to be a difficult, if not impossible situation—increased attacks by both Israel and Palestinian groups over the last year, the lack of Palestinian unity, a humanitarian crisis in Gaza, continued obstacles to movement and access, the construction of the Barrier on occupied land and the expansion of settlements in the West Bank. Whilst it is important to be optimistic in situations of ongoing conflict the international community must do more to ensure that all parties address these issues if a peace deal is to be credible.

87. The international community must also do more to ensure that these issues are addressed in practice as well as in theory. The Quartet is right to insist that a lasting settlement must be based on both Israel and Palestine recognizing each other's right to exist, on an end to violence and on acceptance by both parties of existing agreements. Following the Hamas victory in the parliamentary elections of 2006, the Quartet decided that acceptance of these principles would become a precondition to its even having any dialogue with any Palestinian government which included Hamas. This approach has achieved very little in the last two years and has contributed to increasing tension between Hamas and Fatah. The Hamas armed takeover of Gaza was neither justified nor acceptable and the international community is right to recognize the government of the West Bank and Gaza appointed by President Abbas. However, it remains important to bring Hamas into dialogue and into the peace process. The current truce between Israel and Hamas brokered by Egypt provides the opportunity to do that. We urge the UK Government and the international community to seize this opportunity.


119   Qq 134, 136 Back

120   Q 130 Back

121   Q 102 Back

122   Q 148  Back

123   Quartet Statement, 24 June 2008, Berlin; "West Bank police promised £80 million in support", The Times, 25 June 2008. Back

124   Ev 44, 51 Back

125   The Annapolis negotiations and the outlook for a two state solution, SN/IA/4714, House of Commons Library, 30 April 2008.  Back

126   Q 72 Back

127   Q 86 Back

128   Q 57 Back

129   Ev 61 Back

130   Q 85 Back

131   International Development Committee, Fourth Report of Session 2006-07, Development Assistance and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, HC 114-I, paragraph 142 Back

132   International Development Committee, Fifth Special Report of Session 2006-07, Government Response to the Fourth Report from the Committee: Development Assistance and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, p 14, response to Recommendation in paragraph 142 Back

133   Marina Ottaway, Nathan J. Brown et al, The New Middle East, Carnegie Endowment, Washington DC, 2008, p 35 Back

134   Foreign Affairs Committee, Eighth Report of Session 2006-07, Global Security: the Middle East, HC 363, paragraph 67 Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2008
Prepared 24 July 2008