Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 140-159)

BARONESS VADERA, MR MARK LOWCOCK AND MS SALLY TAYLOR

10 JANUARY 2008

  Q140  Chairman: That is helpful. I think the Committee likes to feel that we had some influence on this; there certainly was an awareness that we were focusing on it and what the Secretary of State has done, I think, is adopted a recommendation that we have not actually yet made. We regard that as a pre-emptive strike.

  Baroness Vadera: I will pass that on to the Secretary of State!

  Q141  Chairman: Going back to the overall situation, you have just announced the IDA 15 contribution of £2.13 billion, and again on a personal basis if I can thank the Secretary of State for his courtesy in phoning me on the day to tell me that was the case, which was helpful. That is a 49% increase on IDA 14. What were the factors that determined that level of increase, which is clearly very substantial and we understand in dollar terms makes the UK the largest single bilateral donor to the fund.

  Baroness Vadera: Yes, it does in dollar terms, although I should clarify something a lot of people—particularly NGOs[5]—who write to us talk about us being the largest shareholder, which is obviously not at all the case. We looked at the spending settlement that we had. We had certain factors to take account of including what we had to do in terms of our bilateral programme. We had certain other replenishments coming through at the same time—the African Development Fund and the Global Fund to fight AIDS, TB and Malaria (GFATM)—and we took a view overall in terms of the increase for a number of reasons. The first is that we do believe the Bank is one of the most effective ways we can spend some of our funding. In many senses it is the glue in the system of development. It is an institution that has the ability to do certain things that other institutions do not—heavy lifting around health systems and education systems and working with governments. It has a geographical spread which nobody else can quite match; the IDA covers 81 countries now. And the role that it plays in terms of global public goods and all of those factors are very important. It is considered—and we considered and evaluated it—to be an effective organisation. But I should also say that the proportion of DFID's DEL[6] that is going to IDA is going to stay roughly the same as it is now. So, proportionately, it has not increased in quite—




  Q142 Chairman: It is just a share of the overall real increase in DFID's funds.

  Baroness Vadera: The share of IDA in DFID's funds has not really radically increased at all.

  Q143  Chairman: I had an exchange with the Secretary of State in the House about the contribution that DFID is making through multinational agencies and what it is doing bilaterally, and of course fashions come and go as to whether we should do more bilaterally or multilaterally, or whatever. The Secretary of State's response to me was, "Surely you do not object to using multilateral agencies as a vehicle and the importance of their role" to which the obvious answer is no, of course I do not. But the question I was asking is, what assurance can you give us that this increase is based on an objective assessment of the best way to spend UK development money as opposed to a convenient way of allocating rapidly increasing resources, which your Department uniquely is currently enjoying in comparison to other departments? You can understand the charge may be, "You have all this extra money. How the heck are we going to spend it? We will give a great dollop of it to the World Bank." How do you respond to that?

  Baroness Vadera: In the first place, as I said, proportionately we have not in fact increased it at all, but we do have a system of surveying the effectiveness of multilateral institutions—that is on the website, we have published that and the World Bank ranks the highest, if not amongst the first or second highest, and that is very important to us. We have also had an assessment of our objectives in what we are trying to achieve and if we look through what we actually managed to negotiate, which will be published shortly in the Deputies' report, from the replenishment round, it very much matches with what we are trying to do. One of the key issues is around fragile states. We agreed and negotiated that there would be an increase in the allocation within the IDA to fragile states; that they will allocate more staffing resource to it, including in-country; that they will respond by doing conflict analysis better, and we think that is something that fits with our objectives, as the White Paper shows, and that was very important to us. Second, we know that Africa obviously remains a huge focus, and about half of IDA's funding will go to Africa. But also one of the most important things to us this time was to try and effect the change within the Bank around what we call decentralisation, which really significantly increases the effectiveness of the Bank and therefore of the whole system, because increasing the effectiveness of the Bank actually has a knock-on effect—it leverages other donors, not only in terms of their money but also the way that they actually behave. So we secured, for example, a commitment that they would increase the number of staff, internationally recruited staff that were going to be based in Africa, by 50% and that really has a very serious impact because it has an impact of course on conditionality and doing impact assessments and understanding the local context and being able to speed up the disbursement, so it has a very significant impact and it helps in harmonisation. So it met all of our objectives and that was essentially the assessment that we made.

  Q144  Chairman: That is a fair answer. The final point on this one is that you gave us your own memorandum in which you make a number of comments on the World Bank's performance and the internal approach, but it has been suggested that you have not actually shared this as widely as you might; in other words, how you have made your assessment of the World Bank has been done more in-house than externally. The Bretton Woods Project said the process analysis behind your decision lacked transparency. First of all, do you accept that there is any substance to that, and is there any more that you could or should do to make clearer what you were doing? You have given a fair answer, but nevertheless in detail one wants to know what are the objective criteria and how they are done. Your summary paper just makes statements, "They are doing all right on this and that", but you have not said how you came to those conclusions. Taking the fact that it is the same proportion it is still £2.13 billion of UK taxpayers' money; should there not be a little more public transparency of how you arrive at that conclusion?

  Baroness Vadera: I guess I would say I was a little bit surprised by that when I read it in the submission. We published beforehand—and in fact we are the only donor to have done that—our effectiveness analysis of each of the multilaterals and it is on our website. We are quite unique in having done that, and other donors are in fact looking at the method that we use to assess that, and that was on the website. The World Bank and scored quite high. We made clear our objectives beforehand around decentralisation, fragile states, the climate change agenda as some of the top priorities of what we wished to secure from the Bank, and that was made clear ahead of any decision and indeed any discussions. We then had a series of discussions over the period in the negotiations for the replenishment and then there will be the Deputies' report that will be published that will show what actually has been agreed by the Bank in response to those.

  Q145  Chairman: That is still to come?

  Baroness Vadera: There is a draft that is certainly available, including to the Bretton Woods Project and others and then the final version is going to be published shortly.

  Q146  Chairman: That is something that might be made available to the Committee before we conclude our report?

  Baroness Vadera: Absolutely, yes.[7]


  Q147 Hugh Bayley: Overall, IDA 15's spend increased by about 30% over IDA 14. You mention an increase of staffing in Africa by 50% or so; how reassured are you that the Bank has the capacity to effectively use a 30% increase in IDA funding?

  Baroness Vadera: The fact that we used as one of the objective criteria that we wanted for decentralisation and we wanted a focus on fragile states, including resources and capacity in fragile states, has been our concern and we believe that we would at least secure the commitment to do that, and this will be reviewed going forward. I think that overall it would be fair to say we believe the Bank has probably the most capacity of any international and multilateral institution currently. For example, when we were discussing our increase in replenishment for the African Development Fund, which was 100%, that was one of our key concerns and that is what we spent most of our time negotiating with the management. So I would say that we are reasonably comfortable that we understand their commitment to the changes and the reforms that are needed to have that capacity and we will be continuing to review that.

  Q148  Hugh Bayley: We met quite a number of the Vice Presidents while we were in Washington DC, and I think it is a view shared by my colleagues that we felt that the Vice Presidency of the Directorate in charge of Africa was not as clear about policy and as focused as you might want. So you are putting more resources into the field, but given that there is a larger increase in funding, half of it is going to go to Africa, Africa is a British development priority, are steps being taken to strengthen the leadership on the Bank's Africa region?

  Baroness Vadera: I am sorry you felt that about that particular individual but you will be aware of course that subsequently a Managing Director has been appointed for Africa, who we respect and have some considerable experience working with, who is Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who was the Nigerian Finance Minister and is very well-respected all over the world. She not only has a track record of reform, as we have seen in Nigeria under very difficult circumstances, but also I think because she used to work at the Bank she has a very clear understanding of the Bank's systems and what needs to change. What we are particularly pleased with is that she understands some of the weaknesses of the Bank, having been on the other side of the fence, in particular around the issue of decentralisation and having Bank staff on the ground, around harmonisation, around conditionality—these are some of the areas on which she is very focused, in fact. I talk to her quite regularly. She has asked, for example, for DFID to share with her our way of incentivising of staff in terms of decentralisation because she has got to the heart of the issue really quickly, which is, "I understand what we need to do but the point is my incentivising staff to actually want to be in Africa and how do you do that? I would like to see how DFID does that because DFID does that better." So we have written a paper for her, which I have just sent to her today. So we are quite comfortable with that. I would also say about Obi[8] that she does have strengths and I think working with Ngozi, who she knows quite well, they would make a good team because she has certain different types of strengths that may not have come through in the discussion of the policy and strategy.

  Mr Lowcock: Could I just add on the resourcing side that the Bank is increasing the share of the overall resources it has, which is going to Africa, and for us that is an important thing that is happening, including, above all, overseas.

  Q149  Hugh Bayley: Given that the UK will be the largest contributor to IDA 15 do you think that that means our leadership role within the board changes and, if so, in what way?

  Baroness Vadera: I think many would say that we possibly play that leadership role as it stands now. I think these things are qualitative assessments and are quite difficult. I certainly have a sense from my experience of travelling in-country that we have a very close relationship with the Bank on the ground and they consider us as a kind of primary partner. I certainly have a sense from talking to people in Washington—and I understand that you yourself saw President Zoellick and he talked about the kind of leadership role that we play and in the board I am aware, from my other historic experience, that we are considered to play a leadership role. So I am not sure that the formality of moving to becoming the largest contributor will have a radical difference. I can understand the importance of the symbolism of it but I am not entirely sure how it will change, given that we already have quite a significant position.

  Q150  Chairman: It was stated to us more than once that "money talks" in the World Bank.

  Baroness Vadera: I think they were lobbying, possibly!

  Q151  Hugh Bayley: Finally, what can you tell us about the commitments made by other donor countries to IDA?

  Baroness Vadera: The one that has the most impact is obviously the United States and that was a 30% increase, which I guess given it is the largest country in the world it is perhaps okay, certainly compared to the previous replenishment round. We have a table, which I am very happy to send you if you have not already seen it, which shows an increase from France, which is about 34%.[9] We have a couple of new donors, which is very interesting; we have China and Egypt. We have Spain making a very significant increase. So there are some quite interesting changes. The Germans, given their budgetary situation, about 21%, Japan at 31%; so I would say that they have tried to keep apace, certainly.


  Q152 Mr Singh: You have touched on the issue of the World Bank being an effective multilateral development institution, and the Secretary of State said it is "the most effective multilateral development institution".[10] What hard evidence is there to support that assertion? What do you mean by "effective"? Is it an effective, efficient bureaucracy; is it effective in terms of outcomes; is it cost-effective? Will you share with us why you value the World Bank so much because in context the civil society criticises it quite severely sometimes in terms of outcomes on the ground?

  Baroness Vadera: I should possibly take the point about civil society first. We should try and differentiate between disagreement about policy and effectiveness. Sometimes they are the same thing and sometimes they are not the same thing and a lot of civil society disagree with certain elements of Bank policy. I was talking about effectiveness in terms of the survey which is on our website and we have four specific things that we measure, that we measure across the piece; I think that doing it comparatively is much more important than actually doing it on its own. The first thing it talks about is the effectiveness of achieving results, where it does rank the highest; then we talk about the partnership approach where there is some room for improvement, which is possibly the one with which the NGOs have the most issues. Then we talk about its strategy and its overall approach. So we have a different matrix of measures and we measure each of them. The Bank overall scores highly, which is why the Secretary of State made the comment about it being the most effective. There is the second issue, which is do we then agree with what its objectives are, what it is trying to do, and this is effectiveness in terms of what it does, and we felt and assessed that it achieves for us—it is the institution that is most effective for us in achieving what we want it to achieve, which is to be this glue in the system to leverage other donors, to leverage other behaviours, to make changes. It is the most transformative thing that we could do. We could spend the money ourselves and the value we would get would be affected because I believe that DFID is the most effective institution multilaterally or bilaterally, but what we need to do is to leverage others in and that is something that we can do very effectively with the Bank. So I guess we would take the view that those are the two assessments. There are criticisms—and I know that you have had them in your hearings—around partnership, country ownership, conditionality and gender—and there are various things. Frankly we are not funding the Bank as being absolutely where it needs to be—in fact, what we have spent all of our time doing is trying to focus on its reform and its improvement, but that should not detract from the fact that we think that this is the best way we can spend that money.

  Q153  Mr Singh: Do you look at all at the failures of the World Bank in terms of its programmes and if DFID does look at those failures how do you feed the lessons into the World Bank?

  Baroness Vadera: I sometimes feel that we spend more time looking at its failures than we do at its successes. Obviously the Bank has its own systems for looking at its reforms and failures, and there are systems and the Independent Evaluation Group looks at policy areas, central areas or picks certain things to look at. We then look at the findings of that and we really do make quite a strong push at the board level and at the shareholder level in terms of changes and reform. There are things that it investigates in terms of outside complaints, so there is an inspection panel. You will be familiar with the one about the Congo Forest, which we have been looking at. We are very much pushing that the lessons are learnt because, as you know, we are very interested in the Congo Forest in terms of both development and climate change and the centrality in the whole continent, and we need to ensure that those lessons are learnt, so we push on that. Then working on the ground I think DFID is in quite a unique position in certain countries, particularly in Africa—we work very closely with them. I was in Rwanda, Nigeria and Uganda and we have a joint country programme of assessments that are taken and that is an opportunity again to ensure the lessons that are learnt and to ensure that things are corrected and in place. One of the things that we managed to do in Vietnam recently was to ensure the mainstreaming of gender in the PRSP,[11] where, as you are aware, the Bank has admitted it has had some historic failures.


  Q154 Ann McKechin: The DFID policy is clearly based around the Millennium Development Goal targets and, following on from Marsha Singh's question, perhaps I could give you two examples of criticisms about the way the Bank operates and how that conflicts with our own Government's priorities. One is structural in the fact that it is a bank, it is not an aid agency like DFID, and it still operates, even on a soft loan basis, on a commercial basis—it expects loans to be repaid. So to what extent is that a barrier in terms of trying to put across our own policies? The second one, which I am sure you will not be surprised about is its commitment over a long number of years to neo-liberal type policies, the issues of privatisation and free trade. I think perhaps rather than just seeing the generality, one example, I am sure you have seen from Paul Collier's book, The Bottom Billion ... the question of landlocked countries and small island states, whether a general economic policy of free trade is really the one which is appropriate for them, and again how this could possibly conflict with their own targets?

  Baroness Vadera: I think this is the structural question about if the bank is a bank, which is a very interesting one. Of course, if you took the concessional element of IDA it is not quite a bank really because the grant element is so significant—the overwhelming majority in fact. There is a view which I think I can certainly see in practice, that if it is a bank in a funny way it does give more ownership to the country, in that the country has a say, it has decided, it has obligations and it is a part of the discussion. Having said that, we would say that perhaps sometimes the Bank ought to behave like a bank a bit more, which would mean it was more responsive to its clients. You would not expect a bank client always to be treated in the way in which we have seen examples, so I would not want to defend the Bank's behaviour in every situation. I think that there are situations that we can see where the fact that it is a bank and there is a loan and it has to be repaid has actually hindered the ability of the country to access that finance; we have seen sometimes a certain reluctance to have loans for health systems, for example. So it does occur; there is certainly that level of conflict that occurs. I think for me, given the level of concessionality in the loan, which would be about 65-70%[12], that actually the issue is, is the Bank sufficiently responsive to the fact that this is a loan and therefore the other side of the party needs to sign up and have some say in it? In terms of the commitment to the liberal policies, I think there has been a change; I think we collectively—not just DFID—including the whole voice that Britain has, the NGO movement, has had a significant impact on this, and the way I saw it was that the turning point was very much around the PRSPs. They were not perfectly implemented and they are still not perfectly implemented, I am sorry to say, but they were the turning point and the turning point was about giving ownership back to the country, and consulting wider stakeholders. That is the kind of huge victory that I sometimes feel that NGOs do not stand up and claim sufficiently because it is, in fact, in many senses their victory. The issue around privatisation, conditionality, there is a long history around this; there have been changes and we have been looking at this area quite seriously, as you know. You have heard evidence on this; you have spoken to the previous Secretary of State about it. We think that there is now a shift and there has been a reduction in the number of conditionalities, but also specifically they have said that they would not have conditionality around sensitive policy areas and sensitive privatisations, and we have seen that commitment come through in the second review of conditionality. I think a lot of this is about how it is done and implemented. I think their principles and their policy is actually now not that different from that of DFID. The issue is how do they actually implement this on the ground and I think that a lot of that is about who is in the country and therefore we went back to the heart of it and that is why we focused so much on the issue of decentralisation.


  Q155 Ann McKechin: You mentioned the PRSP process where they say they have had to actually engage in consultation on the ground. What appears to me as absent is a similar review process after a decision has been put in place where the World Bank, as well as doing their own internal evaluation, is also actively consulting with people again on the ground to see what their reaction has been and what lessons should be drawn from it collectively together. It seems to me that it has made it atone point in the chain but there is not the follow-up further down the line.

  Baroness Vadera: The assessment after the event?

  Q156  Ann McKechin: Yes.

  Baroness Vadera: We were having this discussion the other day. There is an assessment but the interesting thing is that it does not, for example, get back to the board to say, "This is the assessment and this is what we found." There is a more technical process in the peer review mechanism for the lessons learnt. Asked, do they do that—yes they do, at the management level. But what I find is interesting and I think is correct in what you were saying is that the impetus is on getting the programme right, getting it designed and getting the money dispersed rather than coming back and saying, "Yes, we did it and, guess what, we only had 60% success." It is not something that the board tends to discuss very often. I think I would have to agree with that lack of figures. Overall I do think that there has been a shift and I do think that the appropriateness of policy at the design stage, particularly for example in understanding the issues around trade for landlocked countries or island states, is something that has been looked at, and of course a lot of trade policies are not in fact implemented through the Bank but through other means.

  Q157  John Battle: To follow on from that and the point that you make about the assessment at the board level, what encourages me about the World Bank is that it is not just any old bank, such as a JP Morgan Chase, for example; it is different, and not just in its methodology of working and decentralisation but in its aims and purpose, because built into it is tackling poverty. One of the tools for tackling poverty would be the Poverty and Social Impact Assessments (PSIAs) and what I would be concerned about is the lack of rigorous, systematic use of Impact Assessments by the Bank. In 2005 in the DFID policy paper attention was drawn to the need for that systematic use, but why is there no reference then to Impact Assessments in DFID's latest UK and the World Bank report?[13] There is no reference to the Impact Assessment. Can we push that a lot harder as a useful tool?

  Baroness Vadera: I do not think I can answer the question why there is no reference to it.

  Mr Lowcock: I can tell you there will be in the next one!

  Q158  John Battle: I think that is the answer I am looking for! But you see it as a useful tool?

  Baroness Vadera: I absolutely see it as a useful tool. There is something interesting going on in the PSIAs, which we started because—and we were party to starting it because we did not think that there was enough done on the subject. We are now finding that it is being done but it is being mainstreamed, which I guess is what was the ultimate objective, but it is not clear and transparent that this is a PSIA and it has been mainstreamed. So there is a huge stream of work that is going on to ensure a more systematic consideration in the design at the right stage and that this is happening. I do think there is some evidence that it is happening. I think what we would like to see as the next stage—and we did push this, it was a part of the discussions around the replenishment and will be in the DFID report as well—what I think is an interesting step to take is ensuring that the PSIAs are done not just by the Bank but they are done by the country, so that they are involved, and there is capacity in the country to make an assessment of the impact of the Bank's policy. We found, for example, I think in Tanzania that the country was more involved and there were research organisations and I think that makes a radical difference because they do understand the context better. So we are pushing the whole PSIA very hard, but we are particularly pushing for local capacity-building and are actually funding local capacity-building to do PSIAs.

  Q159  John Battle: We make a contribution as well to the African delegates to the Bank. I am really concerned about the voice of the developing world now and how that emerges in the Bank. I think DFID makes a contribution to what is called the Analytical Trust Fund. Perhaps you could say a bit more about that, but I am rather more interested in knowing what other ideas DFID is pushing, encouraging, to ensure that delegations from the south are effective; that they are well-informed and they carry some weight in Washington and are not just either tick boxed or patted on the head.

  Baroness Vadera: I have to be honest and express some disappointment about the Analytical Trust Fund, which I do not think is necessarily a reflection on the intentions or the people involved. It has done some stuff, for example it has looked at the financial sector policies and it has looked at the whole issue of how the IMF quota voice situation is occurring and gave that research to the African board members. I think it has two problems. The first is that in one sense you cannot outsource, being the client, and the client is the ED and the ED needs to be in an effective enough position to be asking the right question of using the Trust Fund that is available for the research. Secondly, the consortium that provides that support is very research focused, whereas what the two African EDs face is they have to turn up every day and they have to be prepared for quite a wide-ranging discussion about all of the policy papers and all of the decision papers that are in front of them. I think that that is where we really need to focus. Our view is that there are some things that are easier wins than others. If you start to talk about changes in the shareholding and in the voting structures there is, as you are well aware, very little consensus amongst the members; but I think that there might be other things that could be done, including the reallocation of the countries within the board members to make them stronger, and have more capacity and alternates; but things need to be changed on that and we will be pushing for this discussion going forward in the spring.



5   Non-governmental organisations Back

6   Departmental Expenditure Limit Back

7   The Final Report is expected to be made public the day after it is discussed by the World Bank Executive Board-that discussion is scheduled for 28th February. A draft report was placed on the World Bank website on 6 November for comment by Civil Society Organisations. Back

8   Obiageli Ezekwesili, World Bank Vice-President for Africa Back

9   The table is contained in the IDA Deputies Final Report which is expected to be made public the day after it is discussed by the World Bank Executive Board-the final discussion is scheduled for 28 February Back

10   "UK to give record level of support to fight global poverty", Department for International Development press release, 14 December 2007 Back

11   Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Back

12   IDA provides aid to client countries with different levels of conditionality. Most IDA funds are provided either as a standard IDA loan (known as an IDA crdit) or grant. A standard IDA credit is provided with a 40 year maturity, with a 10 year grace period and a service charge of 0.75%. As a result the grant element of a standard IDA credit is about 65-70%. In addition IDA provides grants to some countries based on their debt levels (approximately 20% of IDA in FY06 was provided in the form of grants and the rest as credits). Back

13   Department for International Development, The UK and the World Bank 2006/2007, IFID 04, November 2007 Back


 
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