Select Committee on Northern Ireland Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 400-419)

MS JANE WINTER

2 APRIL 2008

  Q400  Lady Hermon: How many cases would you have had of families coming to you and saying that the Police Ombudsman has failed to keep them informed? What sort of numbers are we looking at?

  Ms Winter: I am sorry I am not very good at giving you numbers; it is simply that we do not count them.

  Q401  Lady Hermon: It would be helpful if you would send us a note.

  Ms Winter: What I can say is that the majority of people who come to us—as I say only people who are unhappy about something come to us—have complained about these long patches of time where no information is forthcoming. I have met with Dame Nuala O'Loan when she was Police Ombudsman and discussed this issue with her. What she said to me was that their difficulty was that they were often waiting for information from other people and did not really have anything to tell the family. That is a view that I absolutely understand, but from the family's point of view silence means that nothing is happening at all.

  Q402  Chairman: If the train comes to a halt the passengers like to know why, even if they are told repeatedly that they cannot establish the cause.

  Ms Winter: Yes. Or just to know that the Police Ombudsman has been doing something but they are being held up by somebody else.

  Chairman: You make the point very well. Anything you can do to flesh out that answer would be helpful.

  Q403  Kate Hoey: I probably should know this, Ms Winter, but who actually funds you?

  Ms Winter: We are a registered charity and about 90% of our funding comes from other charities who make charitable donations and those would include the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, the Oak Foundation, the Hilda Mullen Foundation, the Atlantic Philanthropies. About 10% of our funding comes from individual charitable donations.

  Q404  Kate Hoey: You have said quite a lot about the Lord Saville inquiry and you say here that Lord Saville wanted to conduct a "thorough and impartial inquiry, and by and large it would appear that he has succeeded in doing so, although his final report will be the ultimate measure of that". You are an organisation that actually represents everyone's human rights; how are you going to assess this very interesting term that it will be the "ultimate measure" of whether it has been thorough and impartial inquiry. Is that because you have already decided what you would like it to say?

  Ms Winter: I have no idea what it is going to say. I am very perturbed by the fact that it is taking so long to say it, as indeed are the victims. No, I am not prejudging the issue at all. What I meant by that was that our contact has primarily been with the victims and their families. Most of them were initially very cautious and suspicious about the new public inquiry and I believe that Lord Saville and his team won them over in the way he conducted the inquiry. Many of the relatives have said to me that whatever the outcome they feel as though they had a fair hearing. However, from our point of view, given that the Widgery report was so highly criticised, Lord Saville has expressed some consciousness of this and he knows that he will be judged at the end of the day on the product he produces. That is all that I meant about this.

  Q405  Chairman: So we must not read anything too sinister into your submission.

  Ms Winter: Not at all; I did not mean it in a sinister way.

  Q406  Mr Hepburn: In your opinion, from your experience and the work you have done in the world of human rights in Northern Ireland over the years, how widespread do you think collusion actually was in Northern Ireland? Was it just the high profile cases that we have seen or do you think it went on to a greater extent?

  Ms Winter: I wish I knew the answer to that question.

  Q407  Mr Hepburn: Do you have an opinion on it?

  Ms Winter: I suspect that it was quite widespread—I think the Operation Ballast report which came out with a catalogue of things in that instance that Special Branch were doing wrong—because it strikes me not just from reading that report but from having worked on other cases where I have seen some of the same things happen, those were ways of working, those were policies; they were not rotten apples in the barrel, as it were, they were shortcuts in lots of cases that should not have been taken. I tend therefore to think that that was systemic.

  Q408  Mr Hepburn: At all levels, from your bobby on the beat to senior levels; it was just part of their every day work.

  Ms Winter: I think it was possibly more certain parts of organisations, whether it was within Special Branch or within the army rather than the whole organisation. I think there were plenty of ordinary coppers on the beat doing their best to do a very good job, but when intelligence was not being handed to them by those who had that intelligence then they could not use it to prevent crime or detect crime. I have spoken to many police officers who felt as if they were operating with one hand tied behind their back. I am not saying that this was a complete culture but I think there were methods of working which made it more difficult for those who really just wanted to get on and do a good job to do their job properly.

  Q409  Chairman: Bearing in mind the population in Northern Ireland is not a lot different from the population of greater Birmingham or Staffordshire, would you not think that any police force confronted with the repeated atrocities that happened during that period by whomsoever committed—IRA or Loyalists or whoever—would have been overwhelmed, particularly bearing in mind that police stations were continuously being targeted. We discovered when we were there that one of the reasons why evidence was in short supply was that there were 87 bombings of police stations, there were two very significant attacks on the forensic laboratory. It was a very real battle against the odds, was it not?

  Ms Winter: It was, and I think we acknowledge that in our submission. For example, we mention 1972 when I think nearly 500 people were murdered in one year. No police force could cope with that adequately and for that reason I think that some of the criticisms that have been made of the RUC are not fair because any police force would have had difficulty. I would also, if I may, add to that that any police force anywhere in the world—I think human rights groups all over the world would back me up on this—will say that the less scrutiny you put your police under, the less well they behave. It is true that for a long time there was very little scrutiny in Northern Ireland. That has changed a great deal.

  Q410  Chairman: They are probably the most scrutinised police in the world.

  Ms Winter: Possibly. Certainly Sir Hugh Orde would say so.

  Q411  Dr McDonnell: Before I start my questions on the Cory inquiry, I would like to commend you for your discretion and your diplomacy around Widgery because words like "whitewash", "dishonest" and "scandal" come to my mind. Have you any opinion on the Cory public inquiries and what benefits might we expect from the outcomes?

  Ms Winter: Again it is always hard to anticipate. Things have already happened in the Billy Wright inquiry which is the most advanced which we would never have expected, so it is hard to anticipate exactly. I do not believe there are going to be any more public inquiries in Northern Ireland so these are significant for a lot of people. My hope would be that they will fairly and properly conducted, that they will not be obstructed which really does appear to have been a problem with the Billy Wright inquiry both by the prison service who destroyed 800 prisoners' files knowing that there was going to be a public inquiry. My hope would be that state agencies will not be in a position to stop an inquiry set up by the state; that should not be allowed to happen in a democratic society. If that does not happen and those inquiries are able to come to the truth about what happened in those cases, then I think that will do a lot to restore people's confidence in the public administration of justice.

  Q412  Dr McDonnell: What do you see as the ultimate end point in terms of benefits from these? How do you feel that benefit relates to the cost? We heard many times that a lot of money had been poured into the Saville inquiry and the suggestion is that there will be no satisfactory outcome or no satisfactory conclusions and no closure.

  Ms Winter: That would be a tragedy. I must say that is not my expectation of the Bloody Sunday inquiry from having seen how it was conducted. As we were all acknowledging at the outset of this session, inevitably not everybody is going to be satisfied, not everybody is going to find out exactly what happened to their loved one and that could be the case in any of these inquiries. This is a process of an honest endeavour to come to the truth, done in the public gaze, for anyone to scrutinise for themselves, particularly in Northern Ireland where there has not been enough of that in the past. Remarkably the Saville inquiry was only the second public inquiry ever to have been held after Widgery and now we have another three (in my view there should be a fourth into the case of Patrick Finucane but that has not yet happened).

  Q413  Dr McDonnell: Do you feel that with the high costs of these there is a cost benefit there? Would we not be better, as some people suggest, to hand the families and surviving victims of these situations a large sum of compensation rather than spend it on an inquiry.

  Ms Winter: I certainly do not think that the families would accept financial compensation in lieu of proper investigation. I do not think that would bring them any closure. From their point of view this is not an exercise that is about money and very often the publicity that is generated by the inquiry makes it sound as if the families are somehow raking in huge sums of money whereas of course they do not get any money out of a public inquiry. What they are looking for is the truth and some resolution and, crucially, they do not want what happened to them to happen to anybody else. That is a thing that we find over and over again, whether people have an inquiry or not. What people say to us more often than not is that there is nothing they can do about what happened to their loved one but they do not want it to happen to anybody else.

  Q414  Chairman: What do you say about people like Sir Kenneth Bloomfield who said to the Committee a couple of weeks ago in Belfast that the only people who get rich out of inquiries are the lawyers? We really do need, whilst recognising all the sensitivities, to have some alternative to just enriching the lawyers. How do you respond to that?

  Ms Winter: I would certainly agree with you. I think that there are cost benefits to holding public inquiries, but whether the costs that are incurred are justified or reasonable is a different question. Judge Cory himself came up in his reports with several suggestions for ways of capping the costs and also making sure that things happen in a timely fashion instead of dragging on and on, which I am not sure have been taken fully to heart by the inquiries, although it may be early days yet especially since two of them have not actually started work yet.

  Q415  Dr McDonnell: Is the public inquiry the only way to pursue the issues involved, or is there an alternative that might bring closure to the families and might bring closure to the victims who are left behind?

  Ms Winter: I think it depends on whether you are looking to the past or to the future. If we look to the future there is a very cost effective way of ensuring that there is no need for a public inquiry, which is often really an admission of failure; everything else has not worked and you end up with a public inquiry. The way to avoid that is to have effective investigations in the first place. We are moving in that direction; we are getting better at it I think. That is by far and away the cheapest way of bringing closure and of dealing with serious crime. Of course you cannot make right the past where that has not happened. As I say, I do not think we are going to see any more public inquires in Northern Ireland although there are many families who are calling for public inquiries. Many people feel they deserve a public inquiry and should get one but I do not think it is going to happen, so it is important that the ones that are happening do it right.

  Q416  Dr McDonnell: Is it a good thing that there will be no further public inquiries?

  Ms Winter: Not for the individual families; for them it is a tragedy. I have been using the word public inquiry rather loosely but of course inquiries under the Inquiries Act are not really the same as public inquiries like the Saville inquiry was. I think it is generally felt that public inquiries are not the best way of dealing with things. When everything has gone wrong to have a hugely expensive, very time consuming public inquiry does not seem to be the best way of dealing with it. It cannot be beyond the wit of human kind to come up with something better.

  Q417  Dr McDonnell: What do you say to those who suggest that the reputation being built for the PSNI is being undermined and damaged by some of these inquiries even though they are inquiries into the activities of the RUC as it was then?

  Ms Winter: I think that that is currently a matter which is in the hands of the PSNI itself in that if they are seen to act properly now and if they also make it very clear to the public that they operate very differently nowadays than the RUC used to, then it is a hearts and minds exercise that they have an opportunity to win. I also think that if people come to a public inquiry and give an honest account of what happened, however wrong what took place may have been, that does actually reinforce public confidence because they say, "Well, at least this person is being honest; we are now getting to the truth, we are getting to the bottom of it and we can put it in the past where it belongs".

  Q418  Stephen Pound: Good afternoon, Ms Winter. Thank you very much for finding time to come and see us. We seem to be spending so much time talking about costs that I think I would say that many of us respect the fact that you set up British Irish Rights Watch on an entirely voluntary basis and for the first five years you did not even get paid for it. You said something extraordinarily interesting a moment ago. You said, "It is not beyond the wit of human kind to come up with a better way of doing it". Could I refer you specifically to the issue of historic inquests? There are about 100 historic inquests outstanding and about half of them could reasonably be classified as contentious. Sir Hugh Orde has said that his concern is that every one of those could end up as a mini public inquiry, particularly because of the requirements of disclosure. Bearing in mind that you have talked about article 2 earlier on and bearing in mind there have been rulings on about six of those cases, could you apply the wit of human kind to come up with a better way of addressing that issue? Do you think that those inquests, if addressed through the Winter mechanism, would provide what you referred to earlier on as closure?

  Ms Winter: I am afraid that I probably need the collective help of some other bits of human kind to come up with a proper blue print.

  Q419  Stephen Pound: Give us a clue. Give us the shape of it. Who would it consist of? Would it be people from Northern Ireland or would it be people from outside?

  Ms Winter: Your question was about inquests specifically but you seem to me to be asking more about something like a truth commission perhaps.


 
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