Select Committee on Procedure Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1-19)

MR DOUGLAS CARSWELL MP, ANDREW MILLER MP AND MR RICHARD ALLAN

28 NOVEMBER 2007

  Q1 Chairman: Gentlemen, thank you for coming. You know what we are looking into. The House itself has already expressed its support in principle for e-petitions and has asked the Procedure Committee to draw up a scheme with a number of key elements: firstly, that Members should be as engaged with e-petitions as they are with written petitions; e-petitions should be open for the addition of e-signatures for a certain period before they are formally presented; and once presented they should have the same status as written petitions. The Government has accepted our earlier suggestion that as a general rule all petitions should be responded to by the minister. We discovered in the earlier part of our inquiry that up to 25% of petitions were not being answered at all, and we are pleased that the Government has joined us in regarding that as totally unsatisfactory. Do any of you wish to make an opening statement or do you want us to just start the questions?

  Andrew Miller: Chairman, I think all three of us are on the same wave length as the Committee so on a personal level I think it would be better and more constructive if you went into questions.

  Q2  Chairman: Do you agree with that, Douglas?

  Mr Carswell: Yes.

  Q3  Chairman: Richard?

  Mr Allan: Happy to respond to questions.

  Q4  Chairman: We do have a sceptic on the Committee, Roger Gale, who needs to be convinced that this is a good idea, so we are not necessarily completely united in our view on this. I take it from what Andrew said that the three of you do support the principle of an e-petitions system and feel that the Commons should embrace this; would that be a fair summary of your opinion?

  Mr Carswell: Correct. Chairman, I think we should go even further and not merely allow e-petitioning but e-initiatives so that what we debate and vote on in the House can be determined by the people we are supposed to represent.

  Mr Allan: Chairman, I would put a caveat on that. I think that if you are going to open up an e-petitioning system, which I think essentially could be a useful democratic tool, the most important thing is absolute clarity and transparency with the citizens about what they can expect from it. I am not sure we have had that necessarily with all the e-petitioning systems to date. One thing that still worries me is that I do not believe there has been a full evaluation of the Number 10 e-petitioning system in terms of what the users of it actually think. We have got some numbers from it but nobody has gone out there and said to people, "Do you feel that the Number 10 e-petitioning system has enhanced democracy or has it in some way actually left you disappointed?" I think those questions do need answering before we go any further.

  Andrew Miller: Following from that I would argue that an important precursor to e-petitions is to establish the principle that you described yourself that ministers should respond so that the petitioning process does have a relevance and at least people can see as a result of the X thousand people pressing for the improved railway on the Wrexham-Bidston line, or whatever it might be, they can see what the Minister for Transport has said about it precisely. I think that would be an important prerequisite to have that really well-embedded.

  Q5  Chairman: And if we were to embrace an e-petitioning system, do you see this as an extension of our current petitioning system, in other words using new technology to present what has always been presented to Parliament in a new and different way, or do you see it as a totally new procedure and therefore not akin to what has happened in the past really for anyone who wants to respond?

  Andrew Miller: We may have different views on that, I do not know, but my view would be that it should start off as a process that supports the existing procedure. It does enhance the procedure because it empowers those people and it is an increasing number of people who may have access to IT in their homes but are actually themselves house-bound. Mr Gale has heard me at previous meetings talk about my 87-year-old mother for whom the Internet is a window to the world, and for her to engage in things with her Member of Parliament (not me, I hasten to add, it is a colleague on your side, Chairman) would be something that she would find quite refreshing, and that actually does mean that we are providing a tool to a part of the country that currently very rarely gets the opportunity to engage in any petitioning process.

  Q6  Chairman: Before you come in on this, Douglas, the reason I asked the question was we had a very clear steer when we spoke to Members of the Scottish Parliament that if they were doing it again they would have much preferred to roll out a new system and do it incrementally, and they felt that they went too far too soon, which caused all sorts of problems which they could have addressed if they had moved the system slowly to where it now is.

  Mr Carswell: I hope that any change would be an improvement and would support the status quo of representative democracy. After being two years in this institution, I believe that the system sorely needs revitalising, but I do also hope that in making the change it would be a step towards a system of democracy in the age of YouTube, where you are not simply using modern technology to petition your rulers and beg that they take note of your concerns, but you are actually able to materially affect an outcome, so I would hope that e-petitioning would be the start of something much greater and actually put the voter in the driving seat and not the Sir Humphrey politician types.

  Mr Allan: I think you will have some real problems if you take the existing system and then try and put it online because you are going to be trying to get a round peg into a square hole. The reality is that the old-fashioned petitioning of Parliament had certain characteristics; it is small scale, by definition, it is hard to get up to big scale; it is localised, petitions are generally on local issues; and it has become subservient where the public comes and says "Please sir; yes sir." The Internet is not localised, by definition it is global, not even just outside the constituency, it is literally global and people want to access it from anywhere in the world if you have a system; it is very large scale; and it is not the subservient relationship, people's expectation is that it is much more a relationship of equals. I think the way people will want to use it will be contrary to the way you want them to use it if your expectation is that it is going to be like the old-fashioned petitions. The road pricing dispute is a classic example here. That is not a constituency petition. Whose is the road pricing petition? When two million people in the country sign a petition to whom does that belong and how do you deal with it. It is orders of magnitude different from almost any other historic paper petitioning exercise so I think there are some real issues that need to be addressed.

  Q7  Chairman: You could deal with the "anywhere in the world" point by requiring the person signing the petition online to put their postcode. If they were not a registered voter in the UK you could actually prevent them from adding their name.

  Mr Allan: You may do but I think what I am saying is you will spend a lot of time fighting the way people want to use it. You will be spending your time fighting them off rather than including them and that reputationally could be difficult for Parliament. There is another way and that is to see petitions as more of a public EDM, so the way an EDM is where MPs associate themselves with a statement, an e-petition to Parliament could be like an EDM where anyone could sign. It is a different way of thinking of it. In that case what is the problem with anyone signing it from anywhere? As long as you know and you are able to respond to them accordingly, why limit access to that?

  Q8  Chairman: In terms of language then, do I take it that you would not want to see an e-petition necessarily bound by the same rules as to how a point is phrased?

  Mr Allan: I think something like an EDM is much more appropriate than the old petitioning forms. So what you are really saying is, if I am a member of the public, I am coming along and I am saying, "I want the UK Parliament to discuss this issue of importance to me and this is why it is important." It is much more equivalent to what you do as MPs with an EDM than it is to say, "I humbly beseech you, please sir, yes sir," which I do not think would work in the Internet climate.

  Mr Carswell: I have come to the conclusion after two and a half years I have worked here, that an EDM is just gesture politics; it is a way of me engaging in a pointless gesture. I do not think that a disaffected and justifiably disillusioned electorate is going to be satisfied by just being able to engage in their own form of electronic gesture politics; they will want to actually know what it is going to achieve. Signing a petition and having it raised or addressed by a minister is all very well but I think you need to go further than that and actually initiate debates and votes in the House of Commons, some form of systems initiative beyond simply public EDMs.

  Andrew Miller: I would plead for caution about Richard's ambitious project for two reasons. One is the same problem as one sees from time to time on the Number 10 website, you can put something up that is ever so simplistic and it will attract lots of signatures but the practical application of whatever it is is enormously complicated, so it does drive you towards that kind of simplified politics, and I would counsel against that. I agree with Richard that you cannot simply pick up the rules governing the existing petitioning process and plant them onto an electronic system but, on the other hand, whilst I am sure all Members in the room would support the continuation of the concept of our relationship with our constituents in our constituencies, I think we do need to find a mechanism that will enable the constituency-based petition to be conducted online. You are right, the base tool that is already in place, the use of postcode information to identify the legitimacy of the person, is increasingly becoming easy to cross-reference with the electoral database, and over time that will become more simplified as the major political parties move towards common approaches to management of data and the electoral register, so it would be possible to have in place a cross-reference to the postcode and confirm that that person is registered as part of the petitioning process and therefore you could maintain the constituency-based model of current petitioning. The detailed rules—I would bow to some of the expertise from PICT and so on to work out how in practical terms it would be implemented within the framework of the interface between Parliament and the public that exists in their bailiwick.

  Chairman: Thank you. Roger Gale?

  Q9  Mr Gale: I am not entirely certain that Mr Allan is correct in his assertion that the petition is by implication local. I think most of us can recall badge messengers carrying boxes and boxes of signed forms into the Chamber where the subject has warranted a national approach, but each and every one of those, whether they were a handful of signatures or a truckload of them, has been under the guidance and management of a Member of Parliament. Do you feel that with an e-petition the parliamentary management—and I hesitate to use the word "sponsorship" because it is more a facility—the parliamentary facilitation of an e-petition should remain?

  Mr Carswell: I profoundly disagree with the culture whereby politics has to take part under the patronage and guidance of an MP; I find that bizarre. People want to and should be able to engage in politics without the permission or say so of their local MP or some member of the political caste in Westminster. Deference has gone and people, I think quite rightly, should be able to initiate these things with or without a politician's say so.

  Andrew Miller: I am not on the same wave length on this one. I made the observation earlier about the wording of a petition. I think the wording of a petition has to have some credibility in terms of what the petitioners are seeking to achieve. It has to be written in language that a) is understandable and b) is meaningful in terms of something that can be delivered. I think it is the responsibility of the Member who is managing the petitioning process, as it is now, to be able to stand up in the House and present their petition and, if necessary, be subsequently challenged about, "Well, Mr Gale, you have presented this petition and it is your wording on the petition but it is a meaningless gesture and how would you actually expect us as the relevant government department to respond to you, there is no procedure?" It would be an irresponsibility to do that, but having listened over the last 15 or 16 years to a number of people presenting petitions, I think we can all find examples where it has been gesture politics on the part of the Member. I actually think that tying it to an accountable Member is a way of strengthening the process. It is not a question of patronage; it is a question of you need a champion and a manager of the petition, and the Member should be the champion of that cause and should have thought it out thoroughly and made sure that the words that people are signing up to are actually deliverable within the framework of our system.

  Q10  Mr Gale: Do you want to add anything Richard?

  Mr Allan: I think it very much depends on your expectation of who is going to initiate the petitions and what they are going to be like. In a sense, we are all guessing slightly what the public wants to do but we have some evidence from what they have done at Number 10 of the public saying, "This is what we want: to tell the Prime Minister about something." It is going to be much more complex in the Parliamentary environment. I agree entirely that historically you have national petitions sponsored by an individual Member, for example a Member who was leading the All-Party Autism Group and through that network bringing signatures from across the country on autism. There was a comfortable working relationship between the Member and the community that was petitioning. I think with an online petitioning system that comfortable relationship will break down and will be quite different, and if we want to come to it to challenge Parliament—so if we take something like the road pricing example again if people come here and want to have a go at road pricing—who is going to own that petition? If the MP and the person who initiated the petition was on the Government side and happened to support road pricing, are they supposed to own that petition even though two million people have come to say, "We hate the Government for doing X,Y and Z"? I should think the way people will use it will be quite different from the historic petition. That was the point I was trying to get at earlier. If we know that and we can anticipate that then we need to have a system that would be responsive to the way people want to use it rather than the way we historically have done petitions.

  Q11  Chairman: Of course it has always been the case that a Member presenting a petition now does not necessarily have to support the views of the petitioners. He is a facilitator rather than a champion.

  Mr Allan: I agree but I think in most cases the interests of the Member and the petitioners are broadly aligned. I think there are very few cases where there may be evidence to the contrary, but I suspect certainly where a Member is actively involved in the petition, there is normally a coincidence of interest between themselves and the group making the petition.

  Chairman: I think that is the usual position.

  Mr Gale: I am surprised that what Richard has said has so profoundly misconstrued the management of petitions. The reason that the bag rather quaintly hangs behind the Chair is precisely to enable a Member of Parliament who wishes to receive or is required to receive a petition but does not wish to endorse it to put it in the bag and have it published in proper fashion on behalf of the constituents without having to make a speech in favour of it. The Chairman used the word "facilitator". Let me come back to you on this. What we are talking about is effectively a parliamentary duty. It does not matter to me if a Labour Party member comes to me and says, "Here's a petition; will you present it?" The answer is "Yes", in exactly the same way as if a Member of Parliament brings a referral to the Ombudsman which has to be counter-signed by a Member of Parliament. I do not have to agree with it; I act as the facilitator. I cannot see the problem. I find it slightly perverse that Mr Carswell should on the one hand say he does not want Parliament involved with it having a few moments ago castigated what he and I have both regarded as the parliamentary graffiti that is early day motions. What we are in danger of doing, unless we inject some parliamentary management into this, is extending the parliamentary graffiti to an ever-widening platform.

  Q12  Chairman: Right of reply!

  Mr Carswell: What I am advocating in the paper I submitted to the Committee[1] is that you go much further than merely the right of e-petitioning and you have a right of citizen's initiative so that instead of collecting signatures which would mean a headline in your local paper, you could actually collect signatures that would initiate the second reading of an Act of Parliament. The facilitator in that case would be the Queen in the State Opening of Parliament where her Speech would not merely recite the agenda of the ruling establishment but would actually recite the laws the people of this country would like to see debated. That is what I am arguing for.

  Q13 Chairman: Any further bites?

  Andrew Miller: Just on Mr Gale's comments, I endorse his view about the parliamentary graffiti of EDMs. Just in my time here their value has gone right down because any old subject that takes somebody's fancy this evening is tabled and some pretty irrelevant non-parliamentary issues appear as well. Whilst I totally understand the historic role of the bag behind the Chair and all the rest of that, the simple reality, Mr Gale, is that more and more Members are using the petitioning process as a vehicle to help promote their relationship with their constituents, and whilst you are absolutely right that most Hon and Rt Hon Members would present a petition even if they profoundly disagreed with the content of it, the majority of petitions do have a strong correlation with the perceived interests of the Member.

  Chairman: Thank you. Siân?

  Q14  Mrs James: I just wanted to tease a little bit more out on this, gentlemen. The Committee considers that those accessing the petition website would submit a petition and would be advised to first contact their constituency MP. It has been very interesting to hear what you have had to say and I would like to hear a little more on that. I would also like to hear a little bit more on the role of the MP as a facilitator in this case because it appears to me as a very active constituency MP (as we all are!) that this link is vital, and I would not want a petition suddenly appearing online which I did not know about, or where I had not reacted in the proper way to it. I would like to be part of that if something was that important in my constituency.

  Andrew Miller: Well, in practical terms I am with you on that but obviously Mr Carswell takes a profoundly more radical view. We do have a relationship with the people we represent. I do not believe it is one of subservience and people being subservient to us at all; quite the other way round, they are the only ones that can fire us, so I think we do need to retain that relationship. I think it is one of the strengths of our democratic process that ties it together and has done for a considerable amount of time, and that is the fact that we do have a structured relationship between us and the constituency. I think it is a healthy thing. Of course there are complications when issues start to cross constituency boundaries, cross jurisdictions. I referred to the Wrexham-Bidston line earlier on and that is an issue that Ian Lucas and I are both working on. From presenting a petition point of view, that is rather a difficult issue, but you have to have a vehicle/mechanism by which you could deal with those cross-border issues or indeed national issues. That is not impossible but I think I would still have the link with the individual as part of the system.

  Mr Carswell: Mrs James, if every Member of Parliament was as diligent a constituency MP as you are then I do not think there would be a problem. The reality though is we have 60 or 70% of Members of this Chamber who inhabit something called safe seats. This means that realistically they stand very little chance of ever actually being voted out by the electorate. We have this curious system because we have a parliamentary system that arose in the 19th century where everything was parish based and local. We had a 19th century system where it made sense when the fastest thing in the country was a steam train to send representatives down to this building to make decisions on behalf of people. We live in a totally different age. I am sure members of the Committee are familiar with the tail theory of the Internet where if you are selling books or music or political ideas there is an almost infinite demand for very niche points of view. I do not really see how you can maintain the old idea that you have to have a constituency patron in the form of an MP who is there to know what is best for you. I find it curious and I think for the 60 or 70% of people who live in seats with no realistic chance of changing their MP, it is not a particularly fair or democratic system.

  Mr Allan: There are lots of different channels that a constituent now has and we should not try and make it one-size-fits-all. I think there is a very strong role for a local petition which is between individual constituents and their Member of Parliament saying, "We, 10,000 people in constituency X, would like you on our behalf to take action on this particular issue." They may choose to do that through the parliamentary petitioning system or they may set up a group on Facebook or there can be a party political petition, which we are all using, every party is doing petitions. Equally, they might want to come along and have a petition on a great national issue: should we or should we not go to war with country X or Y?—which really is not anything to do with constituency and is actually not directed at the constituency member, it is directed at government. They could choose not to use a petition but use another vehicle called WriteToThem.com so they can come on to different websites and write you a letter.

  Q15  Mrs James: They do.

  Mr Allan: 200 or 300 of them could come that way, so in a sense the expectation of the citizen nowadays is that they should have some clear signposts to the appropriate channel to use to achieve a particular objective. If Parliament should do anything, Parliament should be giving them those signposts and giving them the range of tools and encouraging and helping them to use the right tool for the right job. A petition would be the right tool for the right job in certain circumstances and in some cases that will be an individual Member petition. Absolutely, when it is local or crossing local boundaries it should be the individual Member or Members. In other cases, I would argue that that probably is not the right vehicle for them. If you can signpost and offer them a range of tools then I think you will have helped that democratic engagement to take place.

  Mrs James: I do occupy something that is considered to be a safe seat but I do not treat it as a safe seat; I would be taking the electorate very much for granted if I did that.

  Q16  Mr Gale: To some extent, Mr Allan, you have already touched on this but there clearly is an emerging view that there are effectively two kinds of issues, national issues and local issues. I do not have a problem with that because I think the written petition system has handled that perfectly adequately by in every case having a lead Member, if you like. However perhaps you might consider the possibility of there being two categories of petition: one is a national petition and the other is dealing with the local school, the local hospital, planning issues that are contentious, out-of-town supermarkets and things like that, which might fall into a different category. I just wonder what you think of that possibility as a way of separating the truly local from the truly national or international, as in the case of the war in Iraq?

  Mr Allan: I think it is sensible to separate them out. Again, if we look at what has actually been happening, I know there is this negativity around EDMs as parliamentary graffiti and I can share that scepticism from being in here and seeing how they are used, but if you look at what people have been doing on the Number 10 website they have been doing something like that in most cases on most of those petitions. Clearly there is an appetite amongst the public because millions of them are going there to do this. There is an appetite for them to go and collectively express themselves on a national issue in a forum which they see as being official: the Number 10 website. What is on the parliamentary website carries a cachet and a status out there, believe it or not, for people that they have gone and registered on the Parliament website. Newspapers will take you seriously and you will get reported and you are encouraged to go along and add your name to it. I think there is an appetite for that. The expectations of what happens to it are different obviously because people are not stupid and they know that if they go and argue against Government policy, and the majority of MPs by definition are in the Government, it is not instantly going to cause a turnaround, but then there is still a sense of effectiveness by having gone and done it. In this whole argument I am trying to put, if you go back to thinking the person sitting out there and what their expectations are and you create systems that meet those expectations, then I think you will have done something useful.

  Q17  Mr Gale: I think that two of you appear to have accepted the thesis that the petition should remain within the facilitation of a Member of Parliament, one of you clearly has not, but that being so, the Committee took a view, without discussing this really other than amongst ourselves, that at the very least, given that there is always one lead petitioner and somebody's name comes top, whoever it is, that that person's constituency MP should be offered a chance to take it on board. I have already indicated my view is that it is a parliamentary duty and whether I like the petition or not is absolutely immaterial, and I would not have any hesitation in facilitating the petition whether or not I agree with it. If there is to be any choice in this at all, and I personally am not sure there should be, but if there is, would it be sensible to say that in each and every case whoever is the number one name on the list should approach their constituency MP and if this person says, "No thank you, I am not having anything to do with this at all," then there is the freedom under parliamentary convention to go to another Member of Parliament to say, "My own Member of Parliament has refused to take this on board; will you help me?"

  Andrew Miller: I think when you are dealing with the local issue, the planning issue or whatever in your own constituency, it would be rather difficult to envisage the circumstances where a Member would not at least act as a facilitator and I think in most cases actually act as a champion, as has been indicated in my earlier remarks to you. If some mischievous group brought forward a petition that said: "Mr Roger Gale should resign immediately," I cannot imagine, with the greatest respect Mr Gale, you being terribly enamoured of the idea of being required to act as a facilitator for that and there is a danger that the system could be trivialised. One of the strengths that I see about keeping the link with the individual Member is that, as I say, the Member would be accountable to the House for presenting petitions which are credible and are deliverable and are not frivolous and vexatious and beyond the reasonable duties.

  Q18  Chairman: Of course the Member may advise the potential petitioners that there is a better way of dealing with the problem, that he is prepared to go and see a minister, for example, on their behalf. I think we very much take the point you have made. Do you want to add anything?

  Andrew Miller: Just simply that on the bigger issues, the regional or national issues, I would certainly accept Mr Gale's observation that it may be that the first person on the list is from my constituency and I say to them, "Well actually on that particular issue my neighbour Ben Chapman has far more expertise than I have; it might be a good idea to have one of Ben's constituents as the lead petitioner and create the link that way." We do this, as colleagues know, even across political boundaries. There is a degree of co-operation on things where there is a mood in a region, so I could certainly see a mechanism evolving that would work. Perhaps one of the rules ought to be, if it is a pan-constituency issue, that the lead petitioner would have the responsibility of making sure that their MP is prepared to act as the facilitator or perhaps point them towards someone else.

  Q19  Chairman: Richard, do you want to add anything?

  Mr Allan: I am just thinking about this filtering notion. The numbers for the Number 10 Downing Street website: over 29,000 petitions have been submitted since the thing started so it is getting on for 100 a day being submitted. Just a note of caution not to underestimate the potential job you may have doing that. The thought also just occurred to me that if I was sitting in the Prime Minister's constituency that I may advertise myself on eBay as a willing petitioner for anything that somebody wanted to submit as a national petition so that the Prime Minister has to deal with them. I say it half frivolously but half seriously because any system you put up there people will work out the best way to game it in order to achieve the objective they want. Or you submit 2,000 petitions to Andrew Miller one week because he refused one so you get a whole lot of people to submit lots and lots and he is then expected to do the filtering. Just a note of caution to say that volume will be an issue and gaming will be an issue for the system that you put up there.


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