Select Committee on Procedure Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 60-79)

MR TOM STEINBERG AND MR TOM LOOSEMORE

16 JANUARY 2008

  Q60  Rosemary McKenna: In the Scottish Parliament e-petitioning system they use forums. Do people find that valuable and would they feel they were being more engaged?

  Mr Loosemore: I have some fairly extreme, in some senses, views in that I would go nowhere near forums. I would go nowhere near forums on the Parliament website. That is based on running the BBC's Forum (which has four million messages a month) for a couple of years. At the end of that where you have institutions, and the BBC is one and Parliament is even more so, which people, for whatever reason, feel is "other from them", is the establishment, you are unlikely to attract a reasoned debate in that forum. You are more likely to attract the extremes battling it out rather than the middle ground. As a means of expression you do not insist that people come to every single debate on every single issue wherever in the country it happens. The debate on the Internet happens all over the Internet. You do not need another place to have the debate.

  Q61  Chairman: Mr Steinberg, do you concur or disagree?

  Mr Steinberg: I concur that a straight off-the-shelf piece of forum software that you can plug in will not deliver much in this case and could deliver real problems. If you had written to the 1.8 million people who signed the road tax petition and given them all the link to go to the same forum, there would have been a terrible, terrible mess. I do believe that there is hope for good-quality, structured deliberation of a grown-up, interesting, educational kind using the Internet that involves a mixture of citizens, experts and representatives. I do not believe that anyone has ever paid for it to be built. I spend quite a lot of time around the non-Parliament parts of Whitehall saying to the departments you could have a go at this and that in terms of projects. One of the most common themes I have been saying is to please spend some money on having a go at this, because if you can have a substantial debate with good evidence and a lot of people then you can have a public debate of the sort that we always ask for but which has never been held before and has never, ever been paid for.

  Q62  Rosemary McKenna: One of the issues of course for the Scottish Parliament is that the population of Scotland is infinitesimally smaller than the rest of the UK, so it may be easier for them to be able to manage than it would be for us.

  Mr Steinberg: I believe that if the Scottish petition system was higher quality they probably also would not be able to manage as well. The Number 10 petition website got the same number of petitions in its first seven days as the Scottish system had in its first seven years. Scotland may be smaller than the rest of Britain but it is not 365 times smaller, so if you are aiming that your site is really popular then you ought to be aiming to a point where discussion using standard off-the-shelf packages, of which there are many, will not work.

  Q63  Mr Gale: Can I take you back almost to your opening remark Mr Loosemore. You said that we need to recognise the difference between the e-petition and the existing system. There is a fundamental difference between Downing Street, which is not elected in our sense, and the individual Member of Parliament who is. Petitions at the moment are presented by Members of Parliament and I think the expectation is that that would continue to be the case and that therefore Members of Parliament might well be, as we are now, engaged in the management of the process in the sense that we would need to make sure that the words were in order and guide the lead petitioner, for want of a better phrase, through the process. If we were to go down that road, which is a hybrid, half electronic and half one-to-one, how do you think the public would respond to that contact with a Member of Parliament?

  Mr Loosemore: If I am honest, I am in two minds about it. There are strong arguments both ways. There is a strong argument that says Parliament is about elected representatives and your representative is your voice in Parliament and ergo them acting as a guide is a valid way forward to strengthen that sense of connection with your representative. On the other side, it is an extra barrier, both in terms of the process and, more importantly I think, in people's understanding of how you do e-petitioning. If you are doing a major nationwide petition, to have that go through a local MP just because it is the first person who you sought to present the petition may not fit with people's model of how they think they should interact with Parliament. My gut reaction would be the name of the game here is to make the barriers as low as possible to broaden the engagement as wide as possible. If you can find a way to avoid the extra twist on the road of going via an elected MP, my marginal preference would be to do so. However I not think it is a clear-cut decision. I would say one thing, I was very sceptical about doing Downing Street before doing Parliament and I am very glad to see that you have responded. To my mind, the most important place to have petitions is Parliament, not Number 10.

  Mr Steinberg: I was thinking about the history of why it might be that MPs were tied to petitions anyway, and it occurred to me that it must have been simply because a way of physically getting the petition from the constituency would have been to give it to the only person paid to make that journey all the time. Given that context, the question is why do we have endorsements—especially since so many petitions that are going to be made to you are not going to be local—and there seem to me to be one of two real reasons. One is a constitutional view that the citizen has no view in government or Parliament unless it is represented by Members, and the second is to save money on the vetting. Number 10 has to have a civil servant who spends part of their time making sure things are decent and legal. If you have to put your names on these things first, then you can do that instead and the taxpayer will benefit to the tune of £50 a day. I would argue, though, that when you think about how the website would ultimately work, you can have an endorsement from the politician whose constituent is making the original petition without holding up the process. What I mean by that is that a petition could go into the system, it could be vetted properly by a civil servant to make sure it is decent and legal, and then it could go online, and whilst it is online any MP, including the constituent's own MP, could put their name to it or not. That to me would seem to have a very similar role to the current one given that, as I have noticed in your previous transcripts, none of you appeared to think that the role of the MP should be to vet things and say, "I do not agree with this, I am not going to drop it off." Most of you seemed to think that it was your role to go and drop it off. In that case, if it is your role, why should it not just be the Internet's role and why should you not just endorse it if you think it is a good thing and not endorse it if you do not?

  Q64  Mr Gale: So you see this being presented electronically and not actually being presented in any proper form on the floor of the House?

  Mr Steinberg: When it is finished being signed?

  Q65  Mr Gale: Yes.

  Mr Steinberg: I would like to see debates on the floor of the House and I would like to see an excellent quality public record of what was signed made available on the Internet and other media to anyone interested, but the actual process of standing up, reading it out, putting it in a bag, I do not think that is a massively good use of parliamentary time.

  Q66  Mr Gale: The point being that at the moment we act as facilitators. It is not a Member of Parliament's job to say, "I do not like that so you cannot do that." It is a Member of Parliament's job to say, "If you are going to do that, you need to get it into a form of words that is acceptable to Parliament, otherwise it will not be acceptable." The Member of Parliament then has a right to say, "I do not agree with this so I am not going to formally present it but I am going to stick it in the bag", which has exactly the same effect, it is printed on the Order Paper and it has a response. What you seem to be suggesting is that actually exactly the same thing is going to have to be done by somebody other than the Member of Parliament.

  Mr Steinberg: I know that you have been discussing this in relation to the New Zealand Parliament. If you choose that there should be no clerk or civil service tie-in then, yes, almost certainly someone is going to have to vet these things because, apart from anything else, you will have legal liability if you publish slanderous, libellous things on the parliamentary website—I imagine that might in some ways get you in trouble, if not legally then just reputationally, so someone is going to have to check these things in the way that Number 10 does. Given that someone has to do that, the question really can be is it you, with your other very busy jobs, or is it an official with a checklist, which is what happens at Number 10. If it is an official with a checklist you can still actually have a revision process, which does happen in Number 10. Often they will reject a thing and say "Look, your petition is basically fine, but the way you have worded this thing under `more details' it could be construed as libellous; if you change it from `is' to `maybe' then that becomes a piece of political commentary rather than a piece of libel." They will send it back and the person will resubmit it, they will say fine and it goes up. That can actually be done by non-elected people in a reasonably good way and therefore save you all time.

  Q67  Chairman: I totally accept that point but what we feel—and I ask you to comment on it—is that the vast majority of MPs are not looking for less work to do, are not trying to get out of doing work, and indeed they are actually looking to be more involved in the communities they represent, so I suspect that most MPs would want to have the opportunity of being associated as a facilitator with a petition that originates from someone who is in their constituency. I think that is the point; we need to decide what role we give the constituency MP because any system which froze out the constituency Member is unlikely to find favour with the House.

  Mr Loosemore: That is heartening to hear, that MPs are looking for more engagement with their constituents, but I would just offer some thoughts on what the most appropriate means of adding value as a constituency MP are. I would argue that with the Internet it is not in the management of a relatively mechanical process at the start of the petitions process in terms of is your petition fit for engaging with Parliament, is it liable to libellous or damage reputations? In many ways, having to train 640-odd MPs to do that is not necessarily the most efficient way to do that; the most value for me is at the end of a petition where people are seeking to understand what happens now, what is the next stage, is the answer no from the Government, is that the end of the story or is it just the start. I would totally endorse involvement of MPs; I just question where it is most appropriate.

  Q68  Chairman: Do you want to add anything?

  Mr Steinberg: Yes. If we go back to the Kennedy/Nixon analogy for a moment, if I was a Member and I was saying how can I get the most out of this system so that it can help me communicate with my constituents most effectively, I would be pretty unconcerned about the way by which petitions got into the system and I would be extremely exercised by what could happen once they had signed up, how I could talk to them, how we would discuss things, how things would go next, how I could tell them about how I was lobbying the Government. That is the part that I think deserves the effort. Anyone can build any version of a system that can cope with MPs facilitating or endorsing or not; that is a relatively small design decision and whoever builds it will go with your decision, that will not be a massive issue, the massive issue is what happens at the other end.

  Q69  Mr Gale: Two further comments, one in the light of what you have just said and the other on something you said earlier. You said a moment ago one might lend his name to it; of course, Members of Parliament do not sign petitions, they receive them, we do not sign them. Secondly, you referred earlier to the possibility of this being national rather than local and that may well be the case. Members of Parliament are, for very good reason, concerned when other Members start meddling in their own constituency business and there needs to be, I think, if we are going to go down this road, some sense of proper ownership of it. It is all very well saying I want to know which Members of Parliament are lobbying on this and which Members of Parliament are lobbying on that, but this is not an Early Day Motion exercise as I understand it, this is a Parliamentary petition and if it is a Parliamentary petition then a Member of Parliament or, in a city, maybe a group of Members of Parliament, do need to have ownership of it. The other thing that springs out of what you say is something that everybody is fighting very shy of touching on: it is easy to say, and I am sure Downing Street does, all we need to do is set up this unit to do this, but these things do cost money. This Parliament is very good at saying yes, we will refurbish the press gallery at a cost of a mere £7.5 million of taxpayers' money, but the system that we have at the moment—and I appreciate it is designed for personal contact rather than electronic contact—is actually very cost efficient, it costs virtually zilch. If you are going to set up a bureaucracy, which is effectively what you are talking about, as the alternative, if we were to go down the German response route we could be talking about megabucks.

  Mr Loosemore: "You don't get owt for nowt" is certainly true; if you want engagement with people who are disengaged then I suggest the efficacy of the current position is not good value for money, given that there is very little value as perceived by most people in the general population from it compared to the potential. The second point is that the Internet is cheap; if you can automate processes it is orders of magnitude cheaper than doing things by hand or on paper. Tom will tell you of the vast expense which Number 10 spends on engaging with millions and millions of people, but I can tell you now if you design it carefully and, crucially, if you accept the need to iterate your processes to blend in and gain those efficiency savings, it is not necessarily very expensive compared to how things are done by hand, and from my personal experience with procurement of things in Parliament—I helped procure the Internet streaming of live coverage of the Commons—the process of procurement, I estimate, cost more than the value of the contract. Whose problem is that? That is not the Internet's problem; that is how you seek to manage the process.

  Mr Steinberg: I would say that Number 10's expenditure on the petitions system that it has is probably the cheapest form of communication between citizens and government that has ever happened in this country, in that we worked out some time last year, before many more people had signed, that it was down to less than a penny per person who had signed at that point, and that includes the response going back out. Even the response to just one petition was estimated by the BBC at £500,000 if it had been done by post, when in fact the entire project so far is well under £100,000. From your perspective I suggest there would be three cost hubs: one is building and running the technology, the second is administering it and the third is the cost in parliamentary time that it generates if it generates debates. The technology ought not to be expensive and if the Germans have spent a lot they have made a mistake. The aspect of vetting, how much it costs to vet, as I said, that actually depends on whether or not you choose to take it on your shoulders. It will have virtually no cost difference from the development of technology for you to do the vetting or for a civil servant to do the vetting, but if it is a civil servant it is probably less than one fulltime post. The cost in parliamentary time of course is a question mark, what is the cost of four hours worth of debates in a parliamentary year, but I do not think that this should be an expensive process and even if it was I would encourage you to spend money on it.

  Q70  John Hemming: Just on those questions, with your expertise in the area, what do you think the capital cost, the build cost, would be and what do you think the running cost including band width would be, ignoring parliamentary time?

  Mr Loosemore: The only variable in both of those is how willing you are to alter your processes. If you were willing to alter your processes so you meshed with the reality of an internet-centric population I would suggest spending of the order of £200,000 on the build and I would suggest a similar amount for running costs. The cost of band width is virtually nothing, it is all about the bureaucracy, the people managing the process inside. That is cheap, but that is the order that I would go for.

  Q71  John Hemming: You were saying it is not going to be that expensive and I just thought it would be interesting to know what your estimates are.

  Mr Loosemore: It is not millions.

  Q72  Mr Gale: I want to set the record straight, as this is a matter of record, when I mentioned the Germans that was not in terms of the cost, that was in terms of the volume of petitions they are dealing with and therefore because volume often equals people we have a value cost. I would not suggest for one moment that the Bundestag were either right or wrong, I genuinely do not know. The figures that you mention are a lot lower than the ones that we have been quoted by other people.

  Mr Loosemore: I have not thought that through carefully, but given how much Number 10 has spent on engaging with millions of people I think you should be careful about spending orders of magnitude more. The costs will really be not the technology but how much you are willing to invest in changing your processes and procedures and whether you seek to distribute the effort of filtering or whether you would seek to put it into one central place.

  Q73  Chairman: Do you think we could ever get a system where virtual help and guidance alone would be sufficient?

  Mr Steinberg: Sorry, virtual help and guidance for what?

  Q74  Chairman: For helping someone to launch an e-petition?

  Mr Steinberg: That is the situation that Number 10 is essentially already in in that people are still able to go to the gate of Number 10 and leave a paper petition, that still exists, but the online system does not have a support line, it does not have a phone line, it just runs and people come to it and they use it in enormous numbers.

  Chairman: Do you want to ask about lobbying, Roger?

  Mr Gale: Not at this stage.

  Q75  Chairman: Let us say, for whatever reason, someone seeks to launch an e-petition and whether it is their use of florid language or whether they are being libellous would you support a system where, after two attempts or three attempts, for the same e-petition there is a blocking mechanism?

  Mr Steinberg: That is what we have delivered and it is a good idea. There is one caveat there: because we were trying to encourage Number 10 to show really exemplary best practice in terms of privacy and transparency of the process, when you have your petition rejected on the Number 10 site, if it is completely rejected because you have failed to submit it again or you submitted it and it still mentions an ongoing criminal case or something they are not allowed to publish, it appears on the site itself, censored only in so far as it does not show the bit that causes the problem, so if most of the petition is okay but the title is libellous, then it will show everything except the title; it bends over backwards to show why things were rejected and what was rejected, and that is an attempt to build a trust mechanism so that people do not claim that things are being snuffed out because they are politically inconvenient.

  Mr Loosemore: In addition there was an audit process with Number 10—I audited it so I know—whereby I went through a representative sample of the rejected petitions—and many petitions are rejected by the way, mostly for reasons of repetition. I audited 1000 petitions that had been rejected to see were they rejected with validity against the rules that are set out on the site, and I was encouraged that there were very few that were being rejected wrongly. It is those processes I think you need to encourage transparency.

  Q76  Chairman: Last year, Mr Steinberg, you submitted a paper on this subject and you were quite robust in your defence of a rejections page being a must.[1] Is that still your view?

  Mr Steinberg: That is what I just described, yes. I think that is a really good piece of practice.

  Q77  Chairman: Even if there is editing for legal reasons.

  Mr Steinberg: Yes, you can just show the bits that are legitimate and not show the ones that are not.

  Q78  Mr Chope: I want to ask about what happens in Australia, which is that they have effectively the means of petitioning, e-petitions can be presented by Members of the Australian Parliament, but there is not an e-petitioning system as such, but it means that people can get their point of view across to their Member of Parliament which can then be incorporated in the representations to the Government in the form of a petition. That is a much simpler and cheaper way of people being able to communicate in terms of petitions; do you see that as a satisfactory alternative to the much more elaborate system which we are talking about?

  Mr Loosemore: To be honest, no. It is the point I made a little while ago; if you see this as a window at the start of a potential relationship then that may have some value, but for me it is as much about people expressing their concerns and frustrations and being seen publicly by the whole country, via the Internet, as having expressed their concerns. It is a public statement in a way that you can do with the Internet but you cannot if you stick it in the bag at the back of the Speaker's Chair even via an MP. So there is something around the Internet to do with natural transparency; if you search for someone's name on the Internet, sometimes it will come up and list them as having had a petition. That is important to them.

  Q79  Mr Chope: But we are trying to get the public to engage more with Parliament, not with the Government, and certainly some of Mr Steinberg's answers have indicated that he is equating almost Parliament and the Government together. At the moment you have said that the responses from the Number 10 site have been far too political—somebody said the nature of the responses is far too political for the Number 10 site.

  Mr Loosemore: That was me; for my liking.


1   First Report of Session 2006-07, Public Petitions and Early Day Motions, HC 513, Ev p 20 Back


 
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