Select Committee on Public Administration Written Evidence


Memorandum from Doncaster Supporting People Provider Forum

1.  What are the benefits of contestabilty to the users of public services?

(a)  Have services which have been transferred to third sector organisations shown improvements in quality?

  Supporting People services "grew up" in the third sector rather than being transferred from the public sector. The Quality Assurance Framework (QAF) against which providers are assessed should ensure improvement in quality.

(b)  Is loss of accountability a threat of commissioning services? If so, how can this best be managed?

  This is not our experience. We would certainly argue that are services are as, or more, accountable to "stakeholders", often statutory services, than the statutory services themselves. The level of scrutiny of some elements of the contract, particularly regarding finance, is much more akin to monitoring of grant aid rather than what one may expect from a contract. We would certainly argue that the third sector is more accountable to its users than many statutory services.

2.  Is the third sector more likely to provide better public services than the state or the private sector?

(a)  Is there evidence that where services are provided by the third sector, that they are popular with those that use them?

  We collect feedback from clients that suggest that the services we offer are popular with those that use them. Users are also consulted by commissioners as part of the service review process so it is possible to independently verify this.

(b)  Is there evidence of demand for more services to be provided by the third sector? If so, who from?

  Referrals to Supporting People services outstrip service provision. Demand comes from a number of statutory services, housing, health, probation—as well as potential service users who in some services have a "direct route" in to services.

  Because there is no statutory definition of who is eligible for a service (which we consider undesirable given complex needs of our service users), voluntary organisations are often in the position of "gatekeepers" regarding who has access to their services.

  There can often be conflict between the priorities of statutory services and needs of potential service users which will generally manifest itself to service providers in the first instance.

  There is a danger that, in contracting with the statutory sector for services, that the commissioning requirements are skewed towards the dominant statutory culture, in how the contract is specified, and in how it will be monitored and judged. This would be a shame, as some of the unique aspects of the voluntary sector culture would then be lost, and we need to avoid becoming "shadow" statutory sector providers.

(c)  Do public services provided by the third sector more accurately reflect the changing needs of those that use them?

  We would contend that in the sphere of supported housing and related services our sector has been responsive and innovative in responding to the changing needs of service uses—hence the adoption of the Supporting People programme by government.

  The biggest danger in third sector commissioning, is that the process has the potential for us to lose our major advantage of flexibility and responsiveness to need, and our ability to be accountable to, and often act as advocates for, service users.

(d)  Is there evidence that contracting to the third sector leads to greater scope for innovation in public service delivery?

  It is difficult to innovate in a contract culture that has a tendency to micro—manage service delivery. We would contend this has largely been a fact in supported housing for the last 3-4 years.

3.  Does commissioning benefit the third sector?

(a)  Will contractual relationships with the state improve stability within the third sector?

  It is our hope that having contracts in place will improve stability. Certainly the recent experience with DMBC saw a situation where those organisations perceived as receiving grants were seen as easy targets for the withdrawal of funding. Organisations with contracts were in a more secure position when that happened. We have operated for too long on short term funding which leaves insufficient time for services to establish their viability in the eyes of the commissioners, and which leaves clients high and dry at the end of the funding period.

  It needs to be recognised that often the commissioning (and contractual payment) will only be for part of an integrated service. Thus in supported housing with allied care services an organisation may be providing "housing", "housing related support", and "care" to a service user. To the user this is a seamless service. To the provider this may mean commissioners/contracts for "housing related support" and "care", access to benefits for "housing", regulation by the Housing Corporation and inspection by the Audit Commission for the "housing" element if the provider is a Registered Social Landlord, CSCI regulation/inspection for the "care" element, and service review by the Administering Authority for the supported housing element.

  There can often be a "mismatch" of funding between the different income streams, and increasingly third sector providers are either cross subsidising services or, more often, using reserves / donations to fund deficits from contracts.

  The state needs to recognise the comparative lack of infrastructure within the third sector to manage the demands of a contract culture when compared to statutory services and the general unwillingness of commissioners to fund what they would see as "overhead" costs.

(b)  Will close involvement with service provision prevent third sector organisations retaining the ability to be critical of government?

  At a national level this should not be a problem. At local level, from experience this can often depend on individual commissioners. Some will accept constructive criticism as a sign of a robust and healthy dialogue, others may take a more negative view.

(c)  Is there a risk that the service providers will become increasingly bureaucratic?

  To quote a manager of a Doncaster service:

    "Good grief yes! We are finding that the paperwork requirements of the systems that we work in impact on the level of service we can provide. They are tedious beyond belief. Contracting, tendering and monitoring to external contract conditions has certainly impacted on the time I have available to spend with staff in discussing the quality of the work they are doing".

  Please see also the response to 3(a) with regard to the plethora of different and divergent regulation of the sector.

(d)  Is there a risk that third sector organisations will lose their independence, their identity or their distinctive ethos?

  We do not want to become quasi statutory sector providers, we want to provide complementary services to the statutory sector that increases the range of what can be offered to clients. We hope that our values are shared by commissioners. Many of us entered the "third sector" —a real risk in terms of pay, conditions of service (especially pensions)—in order to try to make a qualitative difference for service users rather than a career for ourselves.

(e)  Might the third sector become polarised between large service providing organisations and more radical groups? If so, would this matter?

  Within the supported housing sector we would argue that the needs of service users are paramount and that providers should be capable of managing this and not providing a "one size fits all service". The sector, in order to be an effective advocate for service users, must always be allowed to offer robust, constructive criticism to commissioners/regulators/inspectors.

4.  Does commissioning services from the third sector have any benefits for the state?

(a)  Does the state risk losing control of service delivery in a way which might be damaging?

  We would say a resounding no! It highlights the fundamental issue of trust between service commissioner and provider. There is an issue of increasing the time spent in liaison where different elements of a service are spread over several service providers, but this is not insuperable, and it should not be assumed that where all service provision is within the statutory sector there is automatically easier or better liaison between different departments.

  As previously stated we would contend our sector is closer and more responsive to needs of service users than most statutory services.

(b)  What capacity will the state need to ensure that it can be an intelligent customer of services?

  Surely the state is a commissioner rather than a customer?

(c)  How is duplication of effort in order to monitor and manage contracts best avoided?

  From our experience of the Supporting People programme, greater passporting of accreditation systems would be useful. We have seen in Supporting People that different authorities are unwilling to accept each other's systems, and we are not convinced that this is always about believing other people's systems have inadequacies. There seems to be an element of protectionism towards one's own systems. It is time consuming when different contracts within our services are monitored using different quality systems, so that we are operating several different systems within the organisation.

(d)  How good is the state at managing bidding processes and defining contractual obligations when commissioning services?

  From the experience of our sector, a steep learning curve for the state is required, similar to the one we've experienced as providers. The "market" is still very immature and there appears to be an increasing tendency from commissioners to follow procurement routes more suitable for the purchase of office equipment rather than a service that puts users at the core.

  To quote from the experience of a service manager in Doncaster:

    "There is tremendous variability in the statutory sector's ability to manage the contracting process. Some contracts are very clear and tight, others are practically meaningless. I have seen instances where the contractor's lack of knowledge of the sector has meant that the contract is ambiguous about what is to be delivered, how it is to be monitored, or how the contract activity should be defined. Constant changes in staffing within the statutory sector means that there is very little continuity in terms of commissioners having solid knowledge of the third sector, and the services that we are providing. This means that we are constantly in a situation where we are spending time explaining how we work, and the services we provide, to those who are tasked with commissioning them. This is not a comment on the competence of those commissioning services, but on the time they have available to get to grips with the workings of what is a diverse sector. I don't suppose this only applies to the alcohol field, either".

5.  What are the financial implications of providing services through the third sector compared with directly provided state services?

(a)  Are services cheaper to provide?

  We would contend that the third sector adds value to services it provides rather than simply providing "cheaper" services—that is not our role. From experience we are subject to the same value for money regime as local government and often subject to a mindset that deems we are more capable of absorbing cost pressures than statutory services (who are our commissioners!).

(b)  Are there "hidden costs" such as contract oversight?

  Please see response to question 3, paragraphs 2 and 3.

(c)  Are the benefits of the third sector participation in public service provision so great that it is appropriate to have financial rules which encourage this, or should the aim be to have "competitive neutrality" between public, private and voluntary sectors?

  The third sector is still in its infancy regarding its role as providing state commissioned services and as such is still in need of nuturing and developing. The capacity and infrastructure of the third sector is in need of building/developing eg access to legal services to scrutinise contracts.

6.  Are the costs and benefits to the state the same when commissioned from the third and private sectors?

  This is virtually impossible to answer. The third sector and the private sector cannot be considered as discrete entities. Both sectors are large, diverse, and there is considerable overlap making it difficult to generalise about their respective costs and benefits. You would have to look at individual organisations in each sector.

February 2007





 
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