Select Committee on Public Administration Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 320-339)

ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER JOHN YATES, MS CARMEN DOWD AND MR DAVID PERRY QC

23 OCTOBER 2007

  Q320  Chairman: Was it the case that when they brought this final report to you, you thought, "It is pretty much the case, it is pretty much there, but we just need a little bit of something else, go off and do a little bit of something else"? Or was it, "This does not stack up unless you can do something else" which they then could not do?

  Miss Dowd: It is inappropriate to actually comment on that.

  Q321  Chairman: It is just hypothetical—

  Miss Dowd: I cannot answer a hypothetical question about something when you are asking me whether I did or not. It is not hypothetical, is it?

  Q322  Chairman: You are the lawyer, you will know the answer to that. Can I ask Mr Perry, you are the man who eventually explained the law to them, did you not? You are the basis I think of the statement in the CPS statement afterwards which says, "What you cannot get convictions for" and then you say, or the CPS says, "The essence of the offence lies in that unambiguous agreement", and that takes us back to a conversation we were having a little while ago. We know this goes on, we know there is a trade in honours which goes on, it has been going on year in year out for as long as anybody can remember, but it goes on in covert ways. We knew all that when all this started and we said to you, "This is how the world is, that is what goes on", and unless you had at that point some evidence that would pass this very high evidential test which you told us about afterwards we knew you were not going to get anywhere. So I am asking you, Mr Perry, in the absence all along it seems of anything that would look like an unambiguous agreement, how could a prosecution in this area ever be brought?

  Mr Perry: Well, I think a prosecution in this area could be brought in a number of circumstances. First of all, there is the Maundy Gregory type case where the seller of an honour or dignity unambiguously makes an offer to someone who then reports that and is a credible witness to the prosecuting authorities and a conviction then follows. The mirror image of the Maundy Gregory case would be the buyer limb being used as opposed to the seller limb, and the section is actually structured in such a way that the offences are committed by mirror images of each other, there is the seller limb and the buyer limb. They are cases which could be prosecuted where there is direct evidence but there are many, many criminal cases, not only in this field but in other fields, where prosecutions are brought not on the basis of direct evidence but more on the basis that the evidence is a type of mosaic that develops and builds into a picture that provides a prosecutor with the ability to say that the irresistible inference to be drawn from certain primary facts is that the ingredients of this offence are made out. In the circumstances of this case, Parliament when it enacted the 1925 Act was very careful to capture the type of corrupt bargain which should properly fall one side of the line and attract criminal liability, but it was also careful to exclude from criminal liability the type of practice which people would not think is necessarily wrong. As you have mentioned, people donating to parties who become recognised as supporters of parties and are properly then given peerages because they do support the party in question and they have demonstrated their support in the past is not necessarily wrong. In this case, without straying into the forbidden territory, the case was presented more as a mosaic type case or a jigsaw, if you like, and it is very difficult at the early stages when you are putting together the jigsaw or the mosaic to know exactly what picture you are going to get at the very end. That is why I would wish to associate myself with the comments made by Miss Dowd, that it was wholly inappropriate in these cases to look at the material in a piecemeal fashion. When it was looked at eventually, it was looked at independently and objectively in accordance with the code test and decisions were taken in accordance with the Code of Crown Prosecutors. So that would be the way, Mr Chairman, I would answer you and I hope I have answered your question. It is perhaps inappropriate for me to make any suggestions for how the law might be changed because it seems to me that would be a matter for Parliament rather than for an individual lawyer who may not have the expertise to inform himself or herself as to where the appropriate line of liability should be drawn.

  Q323  Chairman: We have taken our own legal advice on some of this from Chris Sallon QC who has been through the whole raft of law in this area and demonstrated how very, very difficult, nay impossible, it is in the absence of definitive unambiguous agreements to secure any kind of charge or conviction. Now the CPS have said this too retrospectively. Were you saying that to them along the way or did you just see this at the end?

  Mr Perry: The position was that we had looked throughout at the difficulties created by the structure of the legislation, but it was impossible to pre-empt what the eventual decision might be in the absence of knowing what the shape of the case would be when the evidence was presented to the prosecutors. The one constant in the case was the law and the ingredients of the 1925 Act offence and we were alert to the difficulty. But of course, and we fully accept, although perhaps I would not go so far to say, it is almost impossible. What I would say is the Act is very cleverly drawn to make sure that only particular conduct falls within its scope. But that is not to say that in appropriate cases if there was evidence, either of a direct nature as in the Maundy Gregory case, or of a more circumstantial nature which is very frequently the case in criminal prosecutions, that a prosecution would not be possible, but I say that just in general terms.

  Q324  Chairman: You said it was not for you to say how the law should be different, it was for Parliament, well, you are talking to Parliament now and one of the things which interests us is whether there is a need for a change in the corruption laws so practices which are not caught by present law could be caught. That is something we would like your advice on.

  Mr Perry: What I meant by what I said was that I am probably not as informed as a witness to express opinions on those matters. I am aware, for example, that the Law Commission is about to publish a paper on the scope of the offence of corruption particularly now as our corruption laws are looking rather worn and dated. Just as an example, it was mooted, or one of the matters which was mooted with me before today was, whether there should be an attempt to impose a burden of proof on the defence, just as an example to see whether it would be easier to prove an offence if you placed a burden of proof on an accused person. Again what I would say in relation to that is that any such suggestion would first of all involve political and moral questions, given the pre-eminence of our law to the presumption of innocence, and although Parliament would have primary responsibility for deciding where the appropriate balance would lie, it would have to do so taking into account and giving proper weight to human rights considerations and the overriding need to ensure that any person charged with a criminal offence has a fair trial. The most important matter, whatever the public interest might be in the investigation and uncovering of crime, it might be thought is that people should not be improperly convicted or stigmatised with criminal wrong-doing merely for the sake of expediency.

  Q325  Chairman: Just while I have got you, could I try one further thing on you and it turns on this? We now have a regulator in this area in terms of peerages, which is the House of Lords Appointments Commission, and it is argued that the effect of that regulator means it is technically impossible to buy and sell peerages, all that you can do at most is to nominate someone to the body who decides, so in a sense a deal cannot be struck because you cannot enforce it. Does that matter at all or does the notion of offer in the law still capture what goes on?

  Mr Perry: My response to that is that the law would still have a part to play even with a regulator because of the fact the law captures offers and valuable consideration given as an inducement either way. One of the things perhaps you received advice upon is that the 1925 Act does not require the inducement actually to be successful, and it may be that that is to ensure that standards in public life do not simply depend on whether you have been successful in getting your dignity or title but whether the process has been conducted properly and in accordance with what people would expect to be the standards in public life.

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: Can I try and help you on that as well? One of the problems we encountered is that once it gets to HoLAC, the nomination has taken place, if you like, and then they are only looking at whatever the application looks like and make a judgment there. One of the lessons we would draw on that is in terms of the consistency and transparency of the nomination process to get to that point, because at the moment with the three major parties you have three entirely separate processes operating, either by committee, consultation or by the party leader's choice. So that is the problem from our perspective, the lack of transparency and consistency in the process which gets it to HoLAC. I have no criticism of HoLAC at all, they clearly do their job quite properly but they are actually presented with what looks like a fait accompli once they have the nomination. So it is the actual process beforehand which we think could do with reviewing so there is something consistent and transparent and can stand some tests.

  Q326  Chairman: And what would that involve?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: You have that with the ordinary honours system, do you not, with OBEs and the like, you have a very, very structured, quite laborious process to get to that point, whereas it all felt a bit ad hoc in terms of how it got to HoLAC in terms of the working peers.

  Q327  Chairman: The difference is that in the honours system the politicians have now taken themselves out of it completely, it is all done by independent bodies. Peerages are put up by party leaders, that is how the system works, so these are not comparable systems, are they?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: What I am saying is that the system of working peerages with party leaders nominating them, or whatever process they decide, is fraught with difficulties when you get issues such as this because actually it is very difficult to find your way through it and see how it got there in the first place.

  Q328  Mr Prentice: But did not the system work when the House of Lords Appointments Commission rejected the four nominees? Is that not a case of the system working?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It is an example of it working, yes. But would you not prefer to have a system which was consistent across the board which HoLAC could review so they could go several steps further back, if you like, to say it is proper to get to that point?

  Q329  Jenny Willott: Even if you have got to the nomination phase, actually by nominating someone you have still committed an offence if there has been an offer or agreement?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: Yes.

  Q330  Jenny Willott: So whether or not they get the honour is irrelevant, the fact you have nominated them is what actually counts?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: Yes.

  Q331  Paul Rowen: Mr Perry, what in your view—and again we are talking about generalities—constitutes evidence which might be deemed to be inadmissible when you are looking at these cases?

  Mr Perry: Evidence is inadmissible when there is a legal rule which says it may not be relied upon by the prosecution.

  Q332  Chairman: I do not want to lose the point you were making, Mr Yates, because you have obviously reflected on all this and thought where the process is deficient and where it could be improved, and therefore when you point to areas for improvement we get immediately interested. Because the peerage nomination now—unlike the honours system and of course there is confusion between the two but we are talking about peerages—comes from the parties and in a sense the parties can nominate who they like as long as they can get them through HoLAC, I am not sure what you think a more transparent process would be?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It is how they get to that first nomination point.

  Q333  Mr Prentice: Why should that concern you?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It only concerns me if there are allegations of this nature when you are trying to fish your way back through and say, "How did they get to that point?" They are good people and they might have made a contribution to the House of Lords.

  Q334  Mr Walker: Assistant Commissioner, what you are basically saying and I have some sympathy for it is that there seem to be a number of people getting peerages where the whole criteria for getting that peerage is the exchange of cash basically. If you were to look into their background, beyond giving cash they have done nothing really that warrants a peerage? They are not great academics, they are not great film producers, there is nothing in their backgrounds which suggests they qualify for that peerage than the fact they have given a pile of money—

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: And they may be perfectly good people.

  Q335  Mr Walker: We are all very good people. You are a very good man. I do not know if you will get an honour out of this but you are a very good man! I would love a peerage as well but I do not think I am going to get one.

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It is the transparency of the process which has not helped. Either people say, "That was absolutely proper they went forward" or it just leaves a lingering suspicion when you have the ability to nominate like that. When you get allegations of this nature, we cannot find a way through which says, "How did it get there". All I am saying is—it is a suggestion, take it or leave it—that some transparency and some records and detail would have been helpful.

  Jenny Willott: We could all just copy the Liberal Democrat system of party members voting on a list.

  Chairman: I was hoping to avoid that but was waiting for it! David, did you want to ask a question?

  Q336  David Heyes: It is a different topic but something we perhaps should have picked up earlier when you talked about proportionality. In your earlier note to yourself proportionality was a strong thought in your mind. Was the cost of the investigation, and likely cost of it, the use of resources in the broadest sense, a factor which weighs in proportionality?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It does occasionally, yes. If, for example, there is a shoplifting case and the suspect drives a red mini and you have not got a registration number and there are six million red minis, you are not going to investigate that because it is completely disproportionate.

  Q337  David Heyes: Did you have a figure in mind at the start of this investigation of what would be proportionate given the indications you had?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It was a very small team of vetted officers working very hard in order to get through various actions and lines of inquiry which we uncovered.

  Q338  David Heyes: So how much have you spent on it?

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: It is a matter of record what we spent in terms of the total cost, it is around £1 million but I would absolutely say that three-quarters of that is salary costs rather than actual extraneous costs.

  Q339  David Heyes: But it is a lost opportunity to do—

  Assistant Commissioner Yates: Yes. You say a lost opportunity but this is a criminal allegation of the most serious nature which I think we were duty bound to undertake.


 
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