Select Committee on Public Administration Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 420-426)

PROFESSOR JUSTIN FISHER, DR MICHAEL PINTO-DUSCHINSKY AND DR MEG RUSSELL

25 OCTOBER 2007

  Q420  Chairman: Let us not explore at great length the difference between a correlation—

  Professor Fisher: I am sorry, Chairman, but these terms are important.

  Chairman: It is an important point for the record, I just do not want to explore it further.

  Q421  Jenny Willott: Can I ask my final question, which you have picked up in your response to a previous question? Is there a need to look at the law or is it actually the regulation and the framework within which political parties are operating? Tweaking, for example, the House of Lords Appointments Commission, and so on, is that enough, if there are problems here, to deal with the problems without needing to look at legislation?

  Professor Fisher: In respect of party funding or in respect—

  Q422  Jenny Willott: In respect of the issues connected with cash for peerages; so the issues around patronage.

  Professor Fisher: I do not think you can ever fully legislate for the fact that some individuals at some point in time may make contributions in the hope that there may be some pay-off.

  Q423  Jenny Willott: That is not ever going to be illegal, is it?

  Professor Fisher: You can never do that. As to the mechanics of making appointments to the Lords, I would defer to Dr Russell on this. However, I do think it is a mistake to imagine that you can legislate on everything. Meg makes a very important point that you cannot legislate on a nod and a wink, unless you have a CCTV camera in the room; it is simply absurd to do so. I am not familiar with all the details of the 1925 Act but it does seem reasonable to me that, given that there was a 16-month investigation and some considerable resource thrown at it, the utility of the Act was tested and it may be that the Act is in full working order and that, actually, the wrong-doing simply did not take place. Again, I go back to the point: the fact that there was not a prosecution does not mean to say that the law is wrong.

  Q424  Chairman: Could I just ask one thing, as we end? When we were talking to Assistant Commissioner Yates on Tuesday and asking him, as it were, what he had learnt about the system or what improvements he could think of, I think I am right in saying that the only thing he really talked about was transparency in relation to the list of names that are put forward for peerages. Clearly, he had been trawling through all the draft lists before they had become the final lists and it was, obviously, a great sort of black hole which he had trouble navigating. I had trouble understanding quite how you could have transparency inside that system because, as other people have said, one of the problems arose because of the lack of secrecy around the names that went to the House of Lords Appointments Commission this time. No one is really proposing that all this should be a public process, even, presumably, if we have a system of nomination from the parties, with the House of Lords Appointments Commission deciding who the people should be. Presumably, these will not be published lists of nominees because, otherwise, you will have the consequence that we have talked about, which is people will suffer reputational damage if they are not selected, and so on. Surely, transparency, in this sense, is not quite the answer.

  Dr Russell: To a great extent I agree with your point, but on the point about people suffering damage, I think the damage would be far less if, for example, a party was to have 10 new peerages and to provide a list of 30 names, because there would be no suggestion that 20 of those people were corrupt; it would be simply that they were not the best people for the job. Employers select from shortlists all the time; there is no discredit to the people who do not get the job, they just want the best candidate.

  Q425  Chairman: So you think it would be possible and desirable for the list of nominees to be published?

  Dr Russell: I am not sure about that, actually. There are limits to how far transparency is necessary, and these things involve a bit of political judgment, do they not, as well? If you take, perhaps, the comparison of appointments to Select Committees, where there has been a lot of debate about whether that should be made more transparent and whether it could be more democratic, some of the things that have been suggested are that people should have to formally apply and it might be possible to see who applied, and then to see who got on in the end. However, in the decision as to exactly which people are chosen—a whole range of factors are taken into account; a lot of the same factors that the House of Lords Appointments Commission will take into account, not just party balance but balance of interest, expertise, length of service, age, gender, part of the country, etc. It is not a slur on anybody who does not get on, it is just you have to come up with a group of people which is broadly balanced and useful.

  Dr Pinto-Duschinsky: May I make one comment about long lists? I have looked into this matter with relationship to nominations of members of the European Court of Human Rights, and each country, for example, Lichtenstein, can propose one justice, we can propose one justice as well, and so can Monaco and so can Armenia. They go to make up the court. What happens in certain countries is that they will put forward three nominees and one has been the minister of justice, and the second has been detective sergeant Smithsky, and the third has been the same; it is quite obvious that the long list has just been made up of people whom they hope will be included and others who have very little chance of being included.

  Chairman: Shrewd point.

  Kelvin Hopkins: Just on the point about Select Committees, I am glad they have raised it because I was seriously concerned about this and it was our former friend, Robin Cook, who changed the system so that, in our party at least, now there is a greater chance of people who, perhaps, might have differing views from the leadership getting on to Select Committees. I want to broaden the whole debate about the patronage because it goes way beyond the House of Lords; at every level in politics, in recent years, patronage has ruled and it is all about political power being secured at the centre. That is what is wrong. I do not know if you would agree that we ought to look at ways of building more checks and balances into our political system and making it more plural again.

  Chairman: With respect, Kelvin, that takes us off into other territory, so can we leave that as an interesting observation?

  Kelvin Hopkins: It was more a rhetorical question.

  Q426  Mr Prentice: May I ask one final question? We have got the Cabinet Secretary, Gus O'Donnell, coming in front of us in a couple of weeks' time. When I asked Mr Yates about co-operation with the Cabinet Office, and so on, he said he had received the fullest co-operation but he had met the Cabinet Secretary only once. There were subsequently suggestions that there had been conspiracy to pervert the course of justice, emails being deleted, and so on and so forth. Do you think there are any changes at the centre that could have been made to tighten up the system so that 10 Downing Street could not run on a kind of parallel with the rest of the civil service—the role of special advisers?

  Professor Fisher: I do not think I can comment on that.

  Chairman: We will save the question for the Cabinet Secretary when he comes. Thank you so much, all of you, for that. If you think we have not asked you things that you would like to tell us, by all means drop us a further note. Anything you think, as we say, would be helpful in our inquiries we would like to know about. I think we have had some extremely valuable evidence from you today. I was slightly dejected when you gave us your initial list, Dr Pinto-Duschinsky, and then you said, at the end, your fourth point was "but alternative systems are worse", which did not fill us with great constructive zeal. However, we will do our best, knowing that, to make some modest improvements. Thank you very much indeed for your help.





 
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