Select Committee on Scottish Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by the Scottish Churches Social Inclusion Network

1.  WHO WE ARE

  1.1  The Scottish Churches Social Inclusion Network brings together a wide range of representatives of the work of the churches and church agencies tackling poverty and social exclusion across Scotland. The work represented ranges from the national services provided by Crossreach (the Church of Scotland's Social Care Council) to community work in all kinds of parishes; it also includes such activities as the Poverty Hearings pioneered by Church Action on Poverty, and the Justice and Peace work of Catholic parishes.

  1.2  Participating Bodies include: Action of Churches Together in Scotland, Baptist Union of Scotland, Christian Community Work Alliance, Church Action on Poverty, Church of Scotland (Church & Society Council, Mission and Discipleship Council, Social Care Council, Board of Social Responsibility, Priority Areas Forum), Evangelical Alliance, Faith in Community Scotland, Iona Community, Methodist Church, NCH, Roman Catholic Church (Social Care Commission, Justice & Peace Commission), Salvation Army, Scottish Churches Community Trust, Scottish Churches Parliamentary Office, Scottish Episcopal Church, Society of Friends (Quakers), United Free Church, Unity Enterprise.

  1.3  The Network welcomes the renewed commitment of the Scottish Affairs Committee to an Inquiry into Poverty in Scotland, and is glad to have the opportunity to contribute to that inquiry. We hope to have further opportunity to contribute to this important work in future oral sessions.

2.  INTRODUCTION

  2.1  On the last occasion when the Scottish Affairs Committee addressed this issue (in 1999), the then Scottish Secretary, Dr John Reid MP, remarked that "poverty is the biggest scar of a civilised society". We agree.

  2.2  The issues affecting people living in poverty, both globally and in Scotland, have been an ongoing concern of the churches, at a practical level of engagement in community building work across Scotland's poorest communities—a significant role in regeneration recognised by the partnership of "Faith in Community Scotland" and Communities Scotland in the recent conference "what's faith got to do with it?". These issues have also been at the heart of much of our engagement with public issues at both Holyrood and Westminster.

  2.3  Increasingly, we recognise that hearing the voices of people whose lives are affected by poverty, and valuing their expertise, are crucial to tackling poverty; we have learned the immense importance of listening to those with a direct experience of poverty. This may seem obvious but it is staggering how often this expertise and commitment is ignored. According to Joseph Wresinski, founder of the ATD-Fourth World Movement: "As long as people living in poverty are not listened to, as long as the planners of communities do not learn from those who experience poverty and the world they live in, the measures taken to alleviate their situation will be erratic, superficial and opportunistic". The problems of poverty (and wealth) cannot be adequately addressed without this perspective.

3.  POVERTY AUDIT, "GET HEARD" AND "PROSPERITY WITH A PURPOSE"

  3.1  That is why we have joined with a wide range of voluntary sector partners in a "Poverty Audit". Funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, this project aims to assess progress in tackling poverty in Scotland since devolution by ensuring that the voices of people living in poverty are expressed. The impact of policies on their lives, and on their communities, may not be fully captured in statistical analysis of progress towards government or Executive targets. A series of focus groups of people with direct experience of poverty has already taken place, and there will be further discussion with those involved as key themes emerge. A report will be published in early 2007. While one of our aims in the project is to get serious discussion of poverty, and policies to tackle it, on to the Scottish Parliamentary election agenda (for the election in May 2007), it is clear that devolved and reserved policy areas are interwoven here, and we are confident that the report will have important things to say which we hope will be available in time to impact on the Committee's inquiry.

  3.2  The Poverty Audit will also draw on the valuable results of the Get Heard process, which, in Scotland and elsewhere, has drawn from grass roots experiences of poverty and social exclusion towards the development of the NAP Inclusion 2006. We welcome the publication (funded by the Church of Scotland's Priority areas Strategy Group) of the final report of that process in Scotland Dignity Shouldn't Have to Be Earned, and commend it to the Committee.

  3.3  Our experience is that it is often in face-to-face encounter people and attitudes are transformed, the stereotypes and myths which surround poverty can be most effectively broken down and the real impact of policies be assessed. Attempts to involve people experiencing poverty in defining, measuring and putting forward proposals to overcome it also have their difficulties—conclusions are often difficult to reach, definitions hard to agree and the issues raised limited by the experiences of those whose stories are shared. These may be among the reasons why some welcome attempts in Scotland by Executive and Parliament to engage with people (eg in the Social Inclusion Network) have broken down. The problems, however, serve to underline the complexity of the issues that we are facing and of the need to treat people as human beings rather than simply reduce us to statistics. To marginalise, in developing and assessing anti-poverty strategies, those whom such policies seek to help will ensure that they remain excluded.

  3.4  Although this inquiry is about poverty, we are convinced that the problem of poverty has to be understood in relationship to the problem of wealth. What, for the wealthy, is often perceived as a problem of poverty, is for many living in poverty a problem of wealth. For the creation of wealth to add value to society it requires to be more adequately distributed. For many within the Church, as well as within wider society, there is a temptation to treat these as separate issues, which they are not. We have been involved in work carried out by Churches Together in Britain and Ireland (Prosperity with a Purpose—published by CTBI) on poverty and prosperity, and would commend the report on that study to the Committee.

4.  DEFINING POVERTY

  4.1  Definitions of poverty have been the subject of considerable debate, including that between absolute and relative levels of poverty. In effect, virtually all definitions of poverty are, in practical terms, relative—dependent upon the context and conditions of others. While some might wish to point out that, by comparison to parts of sub-Saharan Africa, there is no poverty in Scotland today others would point to the fact that a person living in Drumchapel will, on average, die ten years younger than someone living in neighbouring Bearsden (a contrast which shows little sign of diminishing).

  4.2  Health inequalities remain, literally, a matter of life and death. Differences in life expectancy between neighbouring areas remain a dramatic reflection of poverty; 40% of people aged between 35 and 59 living in social housing report a limiting long-standing illness, compared to 12% of owner occupiers; premature deaths in Scotland are 30% higher than in England and Wales (and worst of the EU figures). The Church of Scotland's General Assembly in 1998 echoed wider concerns in welcoming the inclusion of tackling health inequalities in UK Government strategic plans; the Assembly added that "the inequalities in health cannot be adequately addressed without the wealth of the nation being more equitably distributed". It is disturbing—though perhaps confirming of the point about redistribution—that the figures show little, if any, improvement since the recognition by Government of the problem.

  4.3  How we define and measure poverty is, to a large extent, determined by what we intend to do about it. For some time, the term social exclusion has frequently superseded poverty as a term used by government to describe those who are unable to participate fully within society. In Scotland the focus has been more on social inclusion as opposed to exclusion, a welcome shift of emphasis. This language also reflects well the importance of access to services (employment, transport, housing, etc), particularly with reference to rural poverty.

  4.4  However, although both terms highlight the multi-dimensional nature of poverty and exclusion, in their populist form, they offer no critique of who is responsible for the including (and excluding). It is overwhelmingly those who have power (and wealth) who determine who is excluded and, under what conditions, people are included. We have also expressed concern that the use of the language of inclusion and exclusion may become a way of avoiding some of the issues of material poverty.

  4.5  Although there is no agreed definition of poverty in the UK, the definition most frequently used is based upon a calculation of the number of people living at or below 60% of the national median income after housing costs, with some slight adjustments based on the number of people within a household. Any variation on this percentage has a major impact on the numbers of people who are defined as living in poverty. For most purposes, we are content with this as a statistical measure. However, it does not capture the hidden or less visible aspects of rural poverty; the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation fails to measure the true scale of rural poverty, as this is less concentrated by areas.

5.  IMPACT OF GOVERNMENT AND EXECUTIVE POLICY

  5.1  From the outset of devolution, an explicit policy objective of the Scottish Executive has been the reduction and eradication of poverty in Scotland. We welcomed the commitments in a set of Social Justice targets and milestones (along with annual progress reports on progress towards these), and the more recent, and more focussed, cross-cutting policy objectives in the Executive's "Closing the Opportunity Gap", with its overarching themes of:

    —  preventing individuals or families from falling into poverty;

    —  providing routes out of poverty for individuals and families; and

    —  sustaining individuals or families in a lifestyle free from poverty.

  5.2  Over the last seven years governments at Westminster and Holyrood have introduced a range of measures which have helped to improve the quality of life for a significant number of people experiencing poverty. Much of this has focused around efforts to get people back into paid employment, at reducing child poverty and the introduction of a minimum income guarantee for pensioners. In taking these steps the government deserves to be congratulated.

  5.3  The figures show that there has been some significant success in reducing poverty in Scotland (measured as those living in households with less that 60% median income), notably in a 30% reduction in child poverty (compared to 17% across the UK as a whole) mainly through increased work opportunities for parents coupled with UK policies such as Minimum Wage and Tax Credits. One in five Scots (a million people) were living in income poverty in 2003-04, but this showed a significant drop to a level lower than at any point in the past 10 years.

  5.4  However, for many people without children there has been little change in their situation since 1997; for too many people in Scotland poverty is still a daily reality. For example:

    —  according to JRF the number of working age adults without children in poverty has increased from c300,000 in the mid 1990s to c400,000 today;

    —  almost half of lone parents are in income poverty (though this proportion is falling);

    —  there are 200,000 people of working age who want to work but who are not officially unemployed (JRF MPSE in Scotland 2005);

—  while work strongly reduces the risk of being in poverty, two-fifths of the people in working-age households who are in income poverty now have someone in their household in paid work;

    —  a third of all employees in Scotland (and half of part-time workers) earn under £6.50 per hour;

    —  research by Save the Children (2005) shows that for families suffering severe poverty (children in households with less than 27% median income) little if any progress has been made since 1999.

  5.5  Many of those whose level of income has increased slightly in real terms since 1997 have been, according to government figures, lifted out of poverty as a result of very welcome initiatives including elements of Welfare to Work, the introduction of Working Tax and Child Tax credits. However, these measures have only served to lift those previously just below the poverty threshold to just above it and many remain susceptible to poverty if there is even a slight variance in their family or personal circumstances. For others, struggling with a greater depth of poverty, government measures have, to date, had little or no impact. While employment is clearly a successful route out of poverty for many people, acute problems remain for those who are unable to find paid work as well as for significant numbers who, because of the level of their wages, remain locked in poverty despite the fact that they are in paid employment.

  5.6  It has become increasingly obvious that these positive government measures do not go far enough. The Minimum Wage, while welcome, especially with the recent increase, is still set at a level which means that those who are paid on, or just above, the current rate are forced to apply for a range of means tested benefits to supplement their income. We believe in the principle of a Living Wage (advocated by, among others, Church Action on Poverty) which currently recommends a figure of £6.80 per hour, based on a scientific analysis of how much an adequate standard of living costs. The Minimum Wage should be enough to keep people out of poverty and not reliant on in-work benefits.

  5.7  Listening to the experiences of people living on basic benefits convinces us of the urgent need both for a radical simplification of benefits and for an increase in their levels of payment. The value of many benefits has fallen in real terms over the past twenty years. This has to be reversed.

  5.8  Among the people we have met there has been a clear recognition that there are those who abuse the system. Any measures taken to address this specific problem must not be to the detriment of the vulnerable; further, the stigmatization of certain groups (eg those claiming benefits) by sections of the media and some politicians is shameful and must be challenged. We would express concern that the focus (in government advertising as well as in the wider media) on abuses of the benefit system diverts attention from the impact of tax avoidance and other devices (around the edges of legality and beyond them) through which abuses by wealthy people cheat "the system" and therefore the most vulnerable.

6.  POVERTY REPORT CARD

  6.1  In considering progress since the Scottish Affairs Committee's last report, and since devolution, we have found useful the "Poverty Report Card" produced by the Poverty Alliance in 2005:

    1.6.2    The Report Card notes that "fuel poverty has `come in from the cold' on the political front ... The UK Government and the devolved administrations have put in place schemes and initiatives that will help ... The Central Heating Programme in Scotland, funded by the Scottish Executive, is an excellent example of what can be achieved. It provides a non-means tested package of a free central heating system, insulation measures and energy advice for those who do not already have central heating in the social rented sector and to those aged over 60 in the private sector. Monitoring has shown that it is taking 87% of households out of fuel poverty". They conclude that "fuel poverty is being tackled: the problems are known and the solutions have largely been identified"; however, recent dramatic energy price rises, with a disproportionate impact on the poorest—especially through back-dating of prepayment meter charges—have pushed many more households back into fuel poverty.

    2.6.3    Homelessness is both a consequence of poverty and a factor in prolonging it. Poor housing conditions have a similar impact. The Scottish Parliament has been effective in legislating for improvements in the response to the needs of homeless people, but levels of application to local authorities are still unacceptably high. We endorse the Scottish Executive's target that local authorities should be in a position to offer settled accommodation to all non-intentionally homeless applicants by 2012. However, our concerns about reaching this include:

      —    The inadequacy of the current supply of affordable housing, and the need for further substantial investment, particularly in affordable housing for rent.

      —    The lack of availability of rehabilitation and support facilities for all those who need them in finding routes out of homelessness, particularly in the areas of drug and alcohol misuse, but also in relation to mental illness, young people who have been looked after by the social care system, and others leaving a variety of forms of institutional living.

      —    The lack of joined-up practice between reserved and devolved issues, including housing benefit, and employment and training programmes.

    3.6.4    Although the Pension Credit has helped many pensioners living in poverty, a failure to listen adequately to the views of pensioners groups on means tested benefits (or even the view of the Select Committee on Work and Pensions that "it can be quite a challenge to get people to claim means-tested benefits; they feel a huge loss of dignity and that they are begging for charity in doing so") has resulted in incomplete take up of the Pension Credit, with DWP still estimating take-up at 61%-69% of those eligible, ie up to 1.63 million pensioners missing out on what they are entitled to, despite £20m spent in advertising. The stakeholder pension seemed a positive attempt to provide affordable access to occupational pensions, but the effect of low wages, lack of financial awareness along with access to adequate financial planning, and lack of commitment from employers to contribute have minimised the gains from this well intentioned savings product.

    4.6.5    In terms of links between disability and poverty, Suzi MacPherson notes that "the policy focus on disabled people is positive in making a commitment to tackling discrimination through extensions to the provisions of the DDA as well as through attempts to support disabled people to access employment via in-work benefits and support to return to work. However, as a route to tackling poverty this focus is somewhat limited." In particular, the continuing emphasis on work as the route out of poverty fails those whose disability prevents paid employment; the parallel policy commitment to "support those who cannot work" seems to offer little improvement if any in benefit levels. There is also evidence from the Get Heard project in Scotland which shows that many employers are very reluctant to take on people with disabilities or long term health problems.

    4.6.6      Child poverty has rightly been placed at the centre, with the welcome commitment to eradicate it by 2020, seemingly more on target in Scotland than elsewhere in the UK. We agree with Children in Scotland that, after recent steps forward, "the real challenge will be to reach those children and families completely reliant on benefits".

    4.6.7    Research carried out for the Scottish Executive on Life in Low Income Families in Scotland found that "the importance of family and relationships is readily apparent". We therefore question the assumption that work is always the answer (especially for lone parents), and strongly agree that "more needs to be done to allow parents to spend more time at home caring for their children, particularly fathers who have a crucial role in their upbringing. Support for vulnerable families is welcome but more emphasis should be placed on integrating Sure Start programmes into mainstream children's services to ensure that no vulnerable family `falls through the net'". We also support the campaign of the Child Poverty Action Group for free nutritious school meals for all pupils at least in primary schools.

    4.6.8    The 60th birthday of child benefit is a good time to celebrate the role child benefit plays—showing our commitment to our children and helping parents make ends meet. Child benefit is popular, effective and reaches more children living in poverty than any other benefit or tax credit. With others in the "Make child Benefit Count" campaign, we call for an increase in child benefit, and for younger children to get the same rate as the oldest child. This would help support larger families—which is vital if child poverty is to be ended once and for all.

    6.6.9

      The growth in in-work poverty is a cause for concern: "under Labour the biggest group of people living in poverty are now not unemployed or pensioners but low paid workers" (Unison Scotland). As the Report Card notes "Unskilled workers, women, ethnic minorities and young workers are all more likely than others to be low paid. Despite this the recently announced rate rise will not affect the 16-17 year old. Young people should be not be disadvantaged because of their age.

7.  REINFORCING FACTORS

  7.1  We would urge the Committee to consider, as in your 1999 Report, the ways in which other factors reinforce or exacerbate poverty—both as causes and as symptoms—including fuel poverty, housing and homelessness, health and debt.

  7.2  The long-term, destructive relationship of poverty and debt was researched by JRF in late 2005. The Debt on our Doorstep campaign arose from the poverty hearings held by Church Action on Poverty, in which people shared their personal experience of what poverty meant for them; debt was a painful and recurrent theme of these hearings. Since 1999, churches have worked with others in campaigning for joined-up strategy to tackle the spiral of debt and poverty.

  7.3  In Scotland, there is even more urgency in joining up policies, since tackling debt involves matters within the reserved powers of Westminster (eg credit market regulation and the Social Fund) as well as others within the remit of the Scottish Parliament (eg debt recovery, financial capability and promotion of credit unions). We are therefore glad to be involved in the Cross Party Cross Parliamentary Group on Tackling Debt in Scotland, which is unique as a recognised CPG of the Scottish Parliament including Scottish MPs. While there is clearly much behind the scenes co-operation between the UK government and Scottish Executive, the lack of transparency prevents more engagement of those working to tackle poverty with these policy discussions.

  7.4  While we value steps towards financial inclusion emanating from both Parliaments, we remain concerned that the needs of NINA ("no income, no assets") debtors seem to be lower in priority than other groups, whether in addressing the market failure acknowledged in the credit market by which the poor pay significantly more for credit (as highlighted in the Committee's 1999 report) or in reforming debt recovery and bankruptcy. As your Committee found in 1999, the impact of "legitimate" doorstep lenders may be even more destructive than that of illegal loan sharks. We agree with Citizens Advice Scotland that "access to affordable credit is key to tackling ongoing financial exclusion issues yet, despite explicit recognition of market failure in this area, the Government is still looking to industry to deliver solutions". In addition reform of the social fund—the one source of low value, no cost loans currently available—has been slow to respond to these needs.

  7.5  While detailed studies about the impact of poverty among the black and minority ethnic population in Scotland find it hard to paint a very clear picture of the extent of poverty among ethnic minorities (due to difficulties in gathering data), recent reports by the Scottish Executive and results from 2001 Census show that minority ethic population is more likely to be affected by poverty. The Audit of Research on Minority Ethnic Issues in Scotland from a "Race" Perspective in 2001 uncovered extensive evidence to suggest that discrimination in key areas such as access to housing, education, social care, health, employment opportunities, make minority ethnic people more vulnerable to poverty. Recent figures released by the Executive show that children from minority ethnic background are twice as likely to live in poverty. We are encouraged by the Executive's drive to tackle discrimination and racism, and their effort to mainstream equality in delivery of services. However, more needs to be done to tackle the disproportional vulnerability to poverty among the minority ethnic population.

  7.6  One specific area for attention is the situation of asylum seekers. The fact that government policy restricts benefit support for asylum seekers awaiting decision to 70% of income support levels implies an acceptance of poverty, while those working with asylum seekers, especially in Glasgow, are encountering many more examples of destitution. We welcome statements from the Home Office confirming that no families should be destitute, but experience tells a different story, of a growing problem. The recent survey by the Scottish Refugee Council (on which we understand the SRC will be submitting further evidence to you) revealed that at least 154 asylum seekers, refugees and their dependents were destitute in Glasgow between 30 January and 26 February 2006 (including 25 destitute children under the age of 18); 27 were asylum seekers with active claims, 7 were refugees and 78 had been refused asylum status and were at the end of the process. These numbers are likely to significantly under-represent the actual number of destitute people because of the methods used and the problems associated with reaching a hidden population.

8.  EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  8.1  The experience of churches and other faith-based groups which are tackling poverty is that, while considerable steps forward have been made, poverty remains, in too many communities, stubbornly resistant to Government initiatives. Our evidence illustrates both successful impact and continuing problems; the Poverty Report Card shows key areas where more needs to be done. The single point we would want to stress is the importance of listening to the voices of those directly affected in devising strategies and policies to tackle poverty, and we believe that the Poverty Audit currently under way will be a major step in that direction.

Rev Graham K Blount

Scottish Churches Parliamentary Office

October 2006





 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2007
Prepared 20 December 2007