Select Committee on Scottish Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 60-79)

RT HON DES BROWNE MP, DAVID CAIRNS MP AND MR DAVID MIDDLETON

24 JUNE 2008

  Q60  Mr MacNeil: Can I ask you about the financial resources that have been put in to the Calman Commission? What resources are you aware of that have gone towards the Calman Commission?

  Des Browne: I am aware of exactly what Kenneth Calman told this Committee, and which is recorded in the minutes of his evidence. I do not remember the detail of it all, but we have a commitment. He has given a commitment to the Committee to account to the Committee, among others, for any additional resources other than what he has already explained. People know that the Scottish Parliament, because it has endorsed the Commission, has devoted certain resources to it, including support for people. We have, having accepted that we have a role to play in this process, and the UK Government, the responsibility to provide resources, and between us we have provided facilities. Over and above that, the members of the Commission themselves are not taking any fees for that. I think Kenneth Calman told you that he, because of his age, enjoyed a travel pass that allowed him lower fares than would normally be charged. It will probably be travel expenses and reasonable expenses for conducting the consultation. As they develop through the process of the working groups and the decisions, what they want to do to carry forward this exciting and quite legitimate process of consultation with the Scottish people—legitimate to the extent that it has the support of the Scottish Parliament, unlike the other one—then we will be able to account. Do you know, by any chance, how much the national conversation has cost?

  Q61  Mr MacNeil: I do not.

  Des Browne: No.

  Q62  Mr MacNeil: Given what you have said about your wider role as Scottish Secretary of State—do you see a role perhaps within your remit, within your desire, to be supportive of decisions of the Scottish Parliament?

  Des Browne: I am a democrat, yes, as I am sure you are, so I encourage parliamentary decision-making, which is why I am encouraging your party to bring its national conversation before Parliament to get Parliament to endorse it.

  Q63  Mr MacNeil: As Scottish Secretary, do you find when you are dealing with Westminster that you—on certain occasions you must feel you must enunciate the case for the Scottish Parliament or decisions the Scottish Parliament has made which maybe need wider representation?

  Des Browne: I have already alluded to this, Mr MacNeil, but I am almost certainly arguing for devolution for Scotland and for its parliament and I have been supporting this parliament for longer than you have been doing so.

  Mr MacNeil: We will give you a length of service medal! Thank you.

  Q64  Mr Devine: This is Galvety time in West Lothian at the moment. You are meeting four or five thousand on a Saturday; there have been various meetings on a Sunday and various other meetings that I have been at. I have only been here less than three years: not one person has ever come to my surgery and said to me: "What we need to talk about is more powers for the Scottish Parliament to resolve this problem." What people come to talk about is jobs, health service, education. You have been here a lot longer—I just wondered if that was your experience!

  Des Browne: I can never recollect any individual constituent coming to me and asking me for more powers for the Scottish Parliament. That is not to say that in the 11 years plus I have been here somebody has not, and if anybody hears this broadcast and is that person and identifies themselves it would not surprise me, but it is not at the forefront of discussions on the doorsteps of Kilmarnock and Loudoun or in my advice surgeries, no.

  Q65  Chairman: How would you describe your relationship between the Scotland Office and the Scottish Executive over the past year?

  Des Browne: I think it has been productive. On occasions it has been interesting. I have to say that on a day-to-day basis the Minister of State, David Cairns, has more dealings with members of the Scottish Executive than I have, and that is inevitable. He has developed good relationships with members of the Scottish Executive actually over that time.

  David Cairns: The Secretary of State mentioned in response to your first question the number of Sewel motions, as we still think of them, or LCMs[10]—I think we are up to nine. That is from a situation where the SNPs vote against them on principle to now actively pursuing them—and I am not criticising them for that—"the sinner repenteth" I think is an occasion for rejoicing! Some of these have been marginal, let us be honest—some of the Sewel motions have always been marginal. However, some of them are really tricky issues, things like carbon capture and storage in relation to the Energy Bill, which has been a very controversial issue and a topic that is right at the heart of the political debate going on about what we do about energy in Scotland. I know I certainly answered questions about that last time and there are further questions to come. On a day-to-day basis I think it has been mostly constructive. It is always regrettable when grandstanding goes on and people use documents that were obviously shared in confidence in press conferences and so on; but thankfully that has been the exception rather than the rule. As I have said all along, the Scottish people will not thank any politician who is more interested in playing politics than addressing the issues that affect them in their jobs, energy, their health, whatever. That has certainly been at the forefront of my mind in the last year. To be fair, it has been at the forefront of most of the ministers and the Scottish Executive as well—but, sadly, not all the time.

  Q66 Mr Davidson: Following on from the point made earlier on about the cost of the Calman Commission and whether the Secretary of State can let us have in due course an indication of the expected budget for Calman—together, just for comparison purposes, with an indication of the costs to date of the national conversation, can we also possibly have the costs of the Jenkins Commission on broadcasting, just so that we are aware of the ballpark figures for these things?

  David Cairns: I know that the Scottish Broadcasting Commission has a budget of half a million pounds.

  Q67  Mr Davidson: Goodness me! Will Calman be as much as that?

  Des Browne: I think we need to wait and see how Calman intends to take forward the consultation part because it would be that that would cost the money because, as we know, none of the commissioners are charging any fees, so they are going to have to engage with the people of Scotland, and necessarily you will know yourselves from public meetings I am sure you conduct in your own constituency that putting these things together costs money. Once we get an indication of what they intend to do, then we will be able to put a figure on it.[11]

  Q68  Mr Davidson: On the principle of commissioners not charging fees, the Broadcasting Commission, for example—is that one for which fees are being charged?

  David Cairns: I do not know. This is a creature of the Scottish Executive. I know that when they announced it they said it would have a half-a-million-pound budget. How that is broken down in terms of being allocated to individual people, I simply do not know.

  Q69  David Mundell: I am surprised Mr Davidson has not sought assurance that none of these people were paid expenses in euros! That was a significant concern in relation to the Gould report. Sir Kenneth Calman advised us that a group had been established which would specifically look at the relations between the Scottish Parliament, the Westminster Parliament, the Scottish Government and the UK Government; and it was encouraging—although we did not get a great deal of detail—that the First Minister had indicated a willingness to participate in that aspect of the process. I presume, obviously, that you will be participating positively in that group's work in terms of being in the best position to provide some evidence to it. Have you any initial thoughts in relation to how the mechanics of the inter-governmental relationship could be improved?

  Des Browne: I saw that Sir Kenneth Calman referred to correspondence he had had with the First Minister, which he was quite positive about. If you interpreted that as the First Minister intends himself to engage with the Calman Commission, then you may be disappointed, but I certainly, if I am asked by the Calman Commission, to engage with them on any aspect of the work they are doing, will be happy to do it personally. I will make sure that they get access to those people in my department whom they need to in order to understand any aspect of the work that they are doing. They have not yet asked me to do that. To my knowledge—they may have written to the department and there may be a piece of correspondence in the department, but I can tell you now that even without them writing to me they should know that I would be prepared to co-operate with them. What was the second part of your question?

  Q70  David Mundell: I wonder whether you had initial thoughts from your own experience over the past years in terms of the mechanics of the relationship, whether there are obvious things that could be improved.

  Des Browne: Can I just say to you that we can all play politics with this stuff, but the serious point from the point of view of the Scottish people is that I do not think we should jump to any conclusions from the experience of having an SNP-controlled executive in Scotland for a year plus and having a UK Government controlled by another party. There is almost certainly in my view going to be, in that unusual environment, in the sense that we have never experienced it before, a lot of working out. Underlying this, the people of Scotland should know that lots of stuff is done day in and day out. The politics that some people play at the surface of all of this, which I am far too busy to do, I have to say, to be fair, is given the lie to by a lot of the stuff that goes on underneath. I know from talking to David the degree to which people at the end of the day operate in the best interests of the people of Scotland together. That would be my very strong message to Kenneth Calman; we should find some way of giving that more visibility. It might undermine the politics of grievance that some people wallow in, but that would not be a bad thing for the people of Scotland, to be honest.

  Q71  Mr McGovern: On the subject of the relationship between the Scotland Office and the Scottish Executive, if a dispute were to arise—unlikely as that may seem—over for example the level of block grant to Scotland, what mechanism, if any, is there in place to resolve such a dispute?

  Des Browne: The position is very clear in terms of the devolution settlement in the way in which public spending is fixed. Public spending in Scotland is fixed by the formula that we discussed earlier, the Barnett Formula. It is a transparent and simple formula. There can be no dispute about it. Scotland gets it share. It is transparent; it is clear; it gets its share and always has got its share, certainly as long as we have been in charge of government. I do not know the detail of anything before I was a party to the mechanics of this process. Scotland gets its share, and that is why public spending in Scotland has essentially doubled since Donald Dewar was the First Minister. Scotland, in that sense, has never had it so good. At the end of the spending review period the Scottish Executive will have £30 billion to spend on providing services and investing in infrastructure in Scotland. How does any department of government or any public spender resolve these issues? They resolve them with the Treasury to the extent that they have anything to need to resolve. I know that Treasury ministers are available to Scottish Executive ministers to discuss and resolve these issues to the extent that people think that there is some issue that they need to raise. Only today I was in a meeting in which the Chief Secretary of the Treasury reiterated her willingness to meet ministers from devolved administrations to discuss any aspect. The other thing that probably many people in Scotland will not know, is that there is a thing called the quadrilateral finance ministers' meeting which meets regularly across the United Kingdom. When I was Chief Secretary I used to attend it. It meets regularly. Finance ministers from all the devolved administrations, ministers from the respective territorial departments and the Chief Secretary meet and discuss issues. Despite what people say, these meetings, in my experience and I understand the experience of the current Chief Secretary, are quite often meetings in which people agree substantially among themselves.

  Q72  Mr McGovern: Secretary of State, on the subject of end-year flexibility, what control and influence does the Scotland Office have over the Scottish Executive's draw-down of end-year flexibility? Do you at the Treasury require justification for that?

  Des Browne: End-year flexibility is a very good thing. Government used to settle public spending on a year-to-year basis. You got this phenomenon that we all used to see, which is that when it came towards the end of the financial year all sorts of things started to get done—railings got painted and roads got paved. People tried to spend the money on the basis that if they did not that would be the starting point for the settlement the next year and they had to justify it all. I think quite a lot of people were offended by that, and I certainly know that a lot of my constituents were. They would say: "There is never any money to do anything until it gets to February, and then suddenly all of these things get done and they are running about looking for things to do." When we came to government we moved to longer-term settlements. Three-year settlements are quite challenging for government, but we had to have three-year settlements because you have to predict a degree of stability for a period of three years in terms of your income in order to settle spending. Within that three-year envelope you need to allow people the opportunity not to have to rush to spend money at the end of the year. That is why we introduced end-year flexibility. If you have a complex capital investment programme and you cannot get it finished in a year and do not spend all your money, you do not have to find something to do with it—you can keep it. In public spending terms, one department's end-year flexibility is another department's additional spending because Government will try to spend its money in its resources to the best effect. In the context of the settlement between any department—and the devolved administrations deal directly with the Treasury in terms of the settlement, so I am not saying the department but in any spending authority, any spending executive and the Treasury there is a discussion about access beyond the spending period to what you have accumulated in end-year flexibility. Of course, the Treasury manages that in relation to the macroeconomic position and the fiscal position. On this occasion the Scottish Executive allowed access over the spending period of £900 million of end-year flexibility. I think that is the right figure. They made arguments presumably as to what they would spend it on. The Treasury accepted those arguments and said: "You can have access to that amount of end-year flexibility over the spending review period." We are not party to that because we are not party to these discussions. We have our own discussions with the Treasury about the meagre and frugal spending of the Scotland Office.

  Chairman: Funding for the Commonwealth Games!

  Q73  Mr Devine: What is the Government's estimate of the likely cost of the Commonwealth Games?

  Des Browne: I will refer to my athletic colleague!

  David Cairns: The government does not have an estimate of the likely costs of the Commonwealth Games; the government is not running the Commonwealth Games; it is a matter for Glasgow City Council and the Scottish Executive. They put together the budget and they will manage and oversee the budget. I understand there is a new big Lottery fund that has been set up fairly recently as well to feed in to that mix. We do not have an estimate of that that we have done. We have accepted—we recognise the estimates that Glasgow City Council has done.

  Q74  Mr Devine: Have we got any agreement on what proportion would be the Scotland Office, the Scottish Government and Glasgow City Council—the detailed—

  David Cairns: I can get that for you. It is really a matter for them. It is not an issue that we have taken any involvement in. Our involvement in this—obviously we lent our support to the bid. Lots of people were rushing out to Sri Lanka to be part of the whole thing. We decided on balance that probably was not a sensible thing to do. We will play a part. Here, we will have to introduce very small legal changes around copyright issues; but the issue of the budget, the management of the budget, the setting and running of the budget is entirely a matter for Glasgow City Council and the Scottish Executive.

  Q75  Mr Devine: So we will not be contributing!

  Des Browne: No. I think I remember a figure in excess of £200 million—£288 million.[12] I think the split between the Scottish Executive and Glasgow City Council is 80% and 20% respectively of the anticipated budget. It does not appear that great an amount of money for an event of this size, but that is because a lot of the infrastructure already exists in Glasgow and there is not any big build necessary.

  Q76 Mr Davidson: Can I seek clarification about what happens if there are cost overruns: is there any liability for the Scotland Office or the UK Treasury?

  Des Browne: No. This is entirely a project that the Scottish Executive and Glasgow City Council are committed to. They have not come to us and asked us for any money. I have had no approaches from anybody—I will just check with the head of my office—and I am not aware of any approaches being made. I think a big Lottery fund announcement was made this week about an amount of money related to—it may well be performance and related to the Commonwealth Games; and no doubt at some stage there will be other bids to the Lottery particularly for athletes and performers. There is a very clear budget line in this and there is no indication of anybody expecting to come looking for money from anybody else. The Commonwealth Games has in the past had an unhappy history of budgeting.

  Q77  Mr Davidson: Indeed, and that is what I wanted to be clear about whether or not there is any liability and, should the Commonwealth Games be mismanaged by those running it, whether or not there will be a liability, a bill presented at your door or your successor's door.

  Des Browne: We had a very unhappy time in Scotland the last time the Commonwealth Games were in Edinburgh in terms of funding, as I think people will remember; but more recently the Commonwealth Games in Manchester were a success. There was a difficulty at the beginning but ministers became engaged in assisting, and latterly they were a success. I am pretty confident that Glasgow and the Scottish Executive have learnt from that. The big advantage that Glasgow has is that there is so much existing sporting infrastructure. The sorts of things that drive these costs up, which are inflation and large building projects—there will be some building projects but—

  Q78  Mr Davidson: In terms of the Olympics costs, one of the things that has driven up the costs of the Olympics is security and so on. Is that a UK liability in any way, or does that all fall upon the Scottish Executive?

  Des Browne: You will of course remember that in relation to the Olympics bid, we won the Olympics and then the day after there were the dreadful bombings in the transport infrastructure of London on 7 July, and of course that changed. That had quite a significant effect on this city and its response to security, quite rightly. That has played through. We regret that we have to spend all of this money on security, but people would expect us to. The Glasgow Commonwealth bid was made a significant time—when it came to fruition a significant time after that, so the budget was known and you would have expected people to take that into account. Security is the responsibility, presumably, principally of Strathclyde police and the Scottish Executive.

  Q79  Mr Davidson: In terms of the Barnett consequentials can I ask you about the increase in security expenditure on the Olympics, whether or not there was one?

  Des Browne: There was not as far as I know. I say that with maybe more confidence than I ought to, but I do not think there are any Barnett consequentials for Olympic spending. I think that is the Treasury's position.



10   Legislative Consent Memorandum Back

11   Ev 22 Back

12   Correction by witness: £298 million Back


 
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