Select Committee on Treasury Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 80-99)

MR JOHN WHITING, DR MARTIN WEALE AND MR ROBERT CHOTE

17 MARCH 2008

  Q80  Nick Ainger: I am sure they are, there is no dispute about that, but in terms of a social tariff, which in effect is a levy rather than a windfall tax on the energy suppliers, it seems to me to be bizarre that we are looking at the energy suppliers to provide the resources for the social tariff but the oil companies which are in the main supplying the gas and heating oil, for example, which has gone through the roof compared with mains gas supplies, get away with nothing. There is no social tariff for somebody who lives in a rural area having a heating oil or LPG supply, for example.

  Mr Whiting: I understand the point absolutely and I am quite sure it is a subject that needs to be looked at if only to find an efficient way of doing it because, as I say, one of the big concerns is we end up with a very administratively burdensome system all round.

  Q81  Mr Fallon: Could we turn to marginal tax rates. Robert Chote, help me with the table on page 62 where the increase in those facing a 60% deduction is over a million since 1998. Who are these people?

  Mr Chote: This is basically the introduction of tax credits and the increase in the generosity of those tax credits in an attempt to get child poverty down. What you are seeing is increased payments at the bottom and then more people being on the taper to get those removed.

  Q82  Mr Fallon: But who are the extra million who are being hit by this 60% marginal rate?

  Mr Whiting: At a guess on figures, they can be people on incomes of around £20,000 quite easily, so there can be quite significant incomes, with a number of children, to have this credit then clawed back from them.

  Q83  Mr Fallon: Is that right? When we drew the Government's attention to this in our report on the 2006 Pre-Budget Report the Government said: "published HMRC tax credits statistics show they are most likely to be families with children who have incomes under £20,000". Is that right?

  Mr Chote: I do not know.

  Q84  Mr Fallon: You do not know who these million people are?

  Mr Whiting: It is incomes up to about that level. My point was that as the tax credits have become more generous, as Robert alluded to, that naturally takes this level at which the claw back starts to affect people up higher. If we go back two or three years when tax credits were first introduced we would be looking at people on incomes of £12,000 to £14,000 and as the credits have become more generous that has made them more available further up the income scale but it has meant more people being subject to claw back over a wider income band than used to be the case.

  Q85  Mr Fallon: Are these typically people with or without children?

  Mr Whiting: Typically people with children because we are talking about people with children and, therefore, eligible for the Child Tax Credit.

  Q86  Mr Fallon: To what extent can the Government tackle these people and still achieve its social policy goals without altering the tax take-up?

  Mr Whiting: It is one of the imponderables and to a certain extent it goes back to Ms Keeble's earlier point on benefits, that as soon as you give benefits and then say, "We want to withdraw them", you are facing people with a significant taper. To give another example, I have just come from discussing the impact on the elderly of the income withdrawal of the higher personal allowances and we are going to see considerably more people subject to a higher rate for the over-65s because as the personal allowances become more generous, as they do from three weeks' time, that will naturally mean more people suffering a greater claw back.

  Q87  Mr Fallon: They will pay higher National Insurance contributions and presumably they will be losing out because of the abolition of the 10p rate as well.

  Mr Whiting: Yes.[1]

  Q88 Mr Fallon: Why is the Government clobbering these people?

  Mr Whiting: There is quite a deal of complexity in the way that the tax rates are moving. You are right, the 10p rate goes and this has the greatest impact on those who are under £18,000 of income roughly because, very broadly, they lose out. There is compensation for them with the higher 65-plus personal allowance or with Working Tax Credits but some will be losing out.

  Q89  Mr Fallon: The table does not show the figure for the current year, what is that figure? It shows the figure before 1998 and the figure for 2008-09.

  Mr Chote: You mean 2007-08?

  Q90  Mr Fallon: Yes. What will the figure be for the over 60%, Robert?

  Mr Chote: It has gone up 200,000, I think.

  Q91  Mr Fallon: So it is 1.6 million.

  Mr Chote: I do not have it with me. From memory, Budget 2007 had 1.6 million. I think it is 200,000.[2]

  Q92 Mr Todd: The spending programme for the next three years has efficiency assumptions within it which are challenging, more challenging than those in the previous round. There appears to be some evidence that departments are producing methods for reaching that which include the termination of certain programmes or services early or charging for services to particular recipients of them. Do you think that is a reasonable definition of a saving? It is clearly a saving but is it an efficiency saving?

  Dr Weale: Yes. Witnesses to this Committee have said in the past that many of the supposed efficiency savings were structured in rather odd ways. It is very imperfect but the best sense of what is happening to efficiency, I think, can be formed from looking at the national accounts and productivity in the education industry, productivity in the health industry and so on, and on the figures that the ONS has produced, and admittedly this is looking ahead and those are always looking behind, to date performance has been poor. We will have to wait and see whether things turn up, but I cannot say I have any great confidence looking at the best, albeit imperfect, measures that we have that things will.

  Q93  Mr Todd: We also have some discrepancies in the way in which departments measure their baselines it seems with some inflating by GDP growth and some by general inflation. Does this suggest that having some robust central control over this process is required, that leaving these matters in the hands of departments is not an adequate mechanism for ensuring some consistency of approach in efficiency savings?

  Dr Weale: What happens as of 1 April is we have the Statistics Authority and the National Statistician setting out how the statistics should be produced. What I would hope is the figures used to look at performance prospectively would be entirely consistent with those. I think those would probably be deflating neither by general inflation nor by the GDP deflator but looking at measures like productivity. This might be something for the Statistics Authority to address.

  Q94  Mr Todd: I am not sure that is going to lie within their ambit, but yes. This Committee has suggested before that we should have some sort of quality audit process as well to balance any efficiency programme. Have you seen any sign in the Budget papers of addressing that other than the assertion that something like that might be attempted?

  Dr Weale: As far as I know progress with measuring the quality of public services remains at an extremely early stage. Going back to your earlier point, a measure of efficiency should take account of what has happened to quality otherwise it is not a measure of efficiency at all.

  Mr Chote: Certainly as the ONS's UK Centre for the Measurement of Government Activities has been going through looking at a series of areas, we have seen, for example, on areas like health and education the introduction of different sets of output measures looking at different ways of assessing quality and those are being refined and whittled down as you go along. All of which adds up to the picture Martin paints of more inputs going in and obviously a less than proportionate quantity of quality adjusted outputs coming out, but to some extent diminishing returns to what you put in is not necessarily surprising.

  Q95  Mr Love: How strong is the link between the public sector wage restraint of 2% and the Government's inflation target, Mr Chote?

  Mr Chote: Not very, I would have said. Inflation is driven more by the balance between overall demand and supply in the economy. If you have a set of public expenditure plans laid out in cash or real terms then in part the choice about what wage levels are appropriate there is what appropriate mix of spending between money on labour versus other factors will deliver you the best sorts of outcomes. It is certainly not the case, as sometimes seems to be suggested, that in order to be consistent with the inflation target you need to have the earnings growing in the public sector at the same rate as prices are expected to be growing across the whole economy, leaving aside what is happening to productivity in the appropriate sectors. Over time you would expect the wages of public sector workers to have to reflect productivity improvements across the wider economy because labour can go between the public and the private sectors.

  Dr Weale: Could I just add to that?

  Q96  Mr Love: Add to this as well as giving that answer. Is there any link, no matter how weak, between public sector wage restraint and awards in the private sector? Is there any evidence of that at all?

  Dr Weale: My first point is that people do not buy the output of the public sector and what appears in the inflation measure is what people buy in the shops, so there is no first round impact at all. That said, movement in wages in the public sector can from time to time affect notions of a going rate, and the connection which the Chancellor has to be relying on is that if people are getting a 2% settlement in the public sector then in the private sector they will be more willing to accept 3, 3½% than they would be if the public sector were getting 6%. There probably is some substance to that.

  Q97  Mr Love: The first round of three-year pay deals seems to suggest actually they are going to be greater; although the Government has set a target of 2% in each of the years, it looks likely they may not actually live up to that especially in the later years. Will that have any impact on the public finances?

  Mr Chote: Not unless they end up pushing up the overall spending envelope. If that is contained within the overall spending envelope, that should not make a difference to the public finances. It will show up arguably in the changes in quality of the outputs of those services, depending on whether that is money well spent or not. You could make the case that having those higher increases may help to retain, motivate public sector workers and deliver higher quality output, but unless you breach the overall spending total it is not going to affect the public finances.

  Q98  Mr Love: The Financial Times reported just after the Budget that the Comprehensive Spending Review total for education was £500 million adrift from that which appeared last autumn, and I believe there may have been other changes which came with the Budget documents. Do you know why that has happened? Is there any implication for it? Can I also ask you a slightly wider question as well, will any under-spends at the end of this financial year go back to the Treasury or will they be left with the Departments?

  Mr Chote: On the specifics of the education figures, as I understand it, it was the revision to the 2010-11 numbers you are referring to?

  Q99  Mr Love: Yes.

  Mr Chote: My understanding is that that reflects the fact that the Treasury now has information on the spending plans of the devolved administrations which it did not have at the time of the PBR. So, roughly speaking, the Treasury previously estimated there would be more education spending by the devolved administrations than they now think is likely and that is what has led to that revision. On the broader question, I presume end-year flexibility will apply, so if there are under-spends then in principle the Departments can go back to the Treasury and can claim for spending that in future years.


1   Note by witness: Yes, many will lose out through the abolition of the 10p rate, depending on their income level. On National Insurance, those on incomes above about £35,000 will pay increased amounts; once the full increase in NIC upper earnings limit comes through from April 2009, those earning above £43,000 effectively lose on the NIC swing almost all they have gained on the income tax roundabout. However, if you are thinking about those aged 65+, they do not pay NICs of course. Back

2   Note by witness: The actual figure is indeed a 200k rise from 1.68m to 1.88m. Back


 
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