The
Committee consisted of the following
Members:
Chairman:
Mr.
Martyn Jones
Abbott,
Ms Diane
(Hackney, North and Stoke Newington)
(Lab)
Byers,
Mr. Stephen
(North Tyneside)
(Lab)
Chapman,
Ben
(Wirral, South)
(Lab)
Davey,
Mr. Edward
(Kingston and Surbiton)
(LD)
Goodman,
Helen
(Bishop Auckland)
(Lab)
Hands,
Mr. Greg
(Hammersmith and Fulham)
(Con)
Hopkins,
Kelvin
(Luton, North)
(Lab)
Merron,
Gillian
(Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and
Commonwealth Affairs)
Munn,
Meg
(Sheffield, Heeley)
(Lab/Co-op)
Newmark,
Mr. Brooks
(Braintree)
(Con)
Simpson,
Mr. Keith
(Mid-Norfolk)
(Con)
Stanley,
Sir John
(Tonbridge and Malling)
(Con)
Swinson,
Jo
(East Dunbartonshire)
(LD)
Mick Hillyard, Committee
Clerk
attended the
Committee
European
Committee B
Tuesday 21
April
2009
[Mr.
Martyn Jones in the
Chair]
European
Union and the Arctic
Region
4.30
pm
The
Chairman: Does a member of the European Scrutiny Committee
wish to make a brief explanatory statement about the decision to refer
the relevant documents to the
Committee?
Mr.
Greg Hands (Hammersmith and Fulham) (Con): Yes,
Mr. Jones, and it is a pleasure to serve under your
chairmanship. It might help if I explain a little of the background,
and why the European Scrutiny Committee has recommended the document
for debate. The Commission communication reviews EU interests in the
Arctic and proposes action on three main policy objectives. The first
is protecting and preserving the Arctic, the second is promoting the
sustainable use of resources, and the third is enhancing the Arctic
multilateral governance. The communication notes the many challenges
and opportunities for the Arctic, and, in particular, those associated
with climate change, use of resources, and the protection of the Arctic
environment. The Commission sees the document as a first step towards
an EU Arctic policy. A further Commission communication later this year
will outline more detailed
proposals.
The
Committee felt that the explanatory memorandum from the Minister for
Europe neither summarised the document properly nor outlined
in any real way the Governments views. Given the area in
question and the countries and issues involved, the Committee felt that
the communication already raised a number of important questions that
need to be explored now. There is an established Arctic governance in
the shape of the Arctic Council. Its members, Canada, Denmark, which
includes Greenland and the Faroe Islands, Finland, Iceland, Norway, the
Russian Federation, Sweden and the United States of America, already
include those Arctic member states with a direct interest, and two
European economic area member countries. In addition, the UK, France,
Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland and Spain are observers, as are
China and various intergovernmental and non-governmental
organisations.
The United
Nations convention on the law of the sea and the International Maritime
Organisation provide an international framework to determine governance
issues related to the Arctic sea bed. Five Arctic statesthe
United States, the Russian Federation, Canada, Norway and
Denmarkhave committed themselves to addressing overlapping
claims within the framework of international law, including UNCLOS, as
well as working through the IMO. There are also other pertinent
international treaties, such as the United Nations framework convention
on climate change, the Stockholm convention on persistent organic
pollutants and the convention on the prevention of marine pollution by
dumping of wastes and other matter. With respect to hydrocarbons, the
five Arctic rim states, together with the three other Arctic states,
which are Finland, Iceland and Sweden, co-operate
through the Arctic Council to agree common guidelines for hydrocarbon
activity. The UK, as a state observer to the Arctic Council, has
contributed to that work and will continue to do so. With regard to the
north-west passage, key issues are seen to include ensuring that any
navigation is undertaken safely, and that primacy is accorded to the
environmental protection of the region. That suggests that the rules
for navigation through the strait should be agreed by the
IMO.
In sum, only
a handful of EU member states are directly concerned in the Arctic.
That has an important bearing on whether the Commission is entitled to
make recommendations on the Arctic in the name of the EU as a whole.
Nevertheless, and notwithstanding the range of existing mechanisms, the
Commission sees Arctic governance as fragmented and lacking effective
instruments and an overall policy-setting process, with gaps in
participation, implementation and geographical scope. It says the EU
should
work to uphold
the further development of a cooperative Arctic governance system based
on the UNCLOS,
including to
enhance input
to the Arctic Council in accordance with the Communitys role
and potential,
with the Commission
applying for permanent observer status in the Arctic Council as
a first step.
Different
considerations apply, however, to EU member states, as opposed to the
Commission, seeking to formulate an EU foreign policy on the Arctic. It
is plain that EU member states will want to ensure that geopolitical
developments in the Arctic proceed in a manner that neither undermines
fundamental EU interests nor threatens EU or international security.
The second pillar of the EU the common
foreign and security policygives EU member states the mandate
to formulate a policy on the Arctic to address such concerns. The CFSP
is intergovernmental: policy is made by the 27 EU member states in the
Council of Ministers. Importantly, the Commission has neither a formal
role nor a right of initiative under the CFSP.
Nevertheless,
certain policy proposals in the communication assume a power to act on
the part of the Commission that is questionable on the grounds that it
has no competence to do so under EU law or, where it does have
competence, that such action would be better taken at national rather
than EU level. Examples in the communication of the former include
Support to indigenous peoples and local population,
Research, monitoring and assessments and
Tourism. Examples of the latter include
Environmental and climate change,
Transport and Fisheries. If the
Commission were to propose legislation on those latter issues that was
directed largely at the three EU Arctic states, such measures would be
likely to breach the principle of subsidiarity on the grounds that the
policy objectives were not aimed at the EU as a whole and could
therefore be better achieved at national level.
Therefore,
it is not at all clear, at least to the Committee, what the
Commissions competences are in this regard or what issues could
be more effectively tackled, and international mechanisms genuinely
enhanced, by having a bigger EU or Community role. How is the role that
the Commission sees for itself to be carried out properly under the
existing treaties? Or does the Commission anticipate an expanded role
for itself under the Lisbon
treaty? All in all, the Committee felt that the House should have the
opportunity to hear more about the Ministers thinking and to
discuss the relevant issues now, rather than simply awaiting further
detailed proposals from the Commission.
The
Chairman: I call the Minister to make an opening
statement.
4.37
pm
The
Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth
Affairs (Gillian Merron): I, too, am delighted to serve
under your Chairmanship, Mr. Jones. I look forward to
discussing this important issue and I thank the European Scrutiny
Committee for the opportunity to do so. I also thank the hon. Member
for Hammersmith and Fulham for his opening words. He has explained
further some of the issues that that Committee wishes to
explore.
Let me give
an assurance immediately that the Commissions communication
provides only a general framework for the EUs approach to the
Arctic region. As such, it is a step towards the development of a more
detailed EU Arctic policy. As the hon. Gentleman said, it highlights a
number of important Arctic issues, but it does not go into significant
detail on any one subject. However, we have the opportunity today to
share views on the broad topics raised, and I am happy that we do. I
hope that I will be able to answer any questions that are
raised.
As set out
in the explanatory memorandum submitted to the Scrutiny Committee on 16
December 2008, the Commission communication is just the first stage in
a process towards an EU Arctic policy. That process will involve
substantive debate over many months, and the UKs input will of
course be co-ordinated by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. We will
also draw heavily on the expertise of other Whitehall Departments that
lead on the relevant policy areas.
The Arctic
is of course of global importance. The polar regions have a profound
effect on the worlds climate and oceans, and they are a unique
barometer for the scientific study of climate change. The Arctic is one
of the most rapidly warming regions on the planet, and the resulting
increase in ice and permafrost melt has already had dramatic impacts on
local environments and ecosystems. The capacity for further global
impacts is clear for all to see.
The Arctic
is also important to the UK, and we pursue the relevant issues
bilaterally and multilaterally. Our policy focus is split into three
interlocking areas: first, protecting the unique nature of the Arctic
environment; secondly, ensuring the sustainable development of
hydrocarbon and other resources in the Arctic; and, thirdly, ensuring
sound governance of the Arctic to regulate issues such as access,
shipping, fishing and trade. Those issues, which the
Commissions communication rightly identified as key, are
managed through a range of governance instruments, as the hon.
Gentleman said. Although there is no single, overarching Arctic treaty,
there are a number of bilateral and multilateral agreements and
treaties that provide a comprehensive legal basis for the management of
the Arctic. The most significant of those is the UN convention on the
law of the sea, which provides a framework for the management of the
sea
bed. In addition, the Arctic Council seeks to provide a forum for the
discussion and resolution of a range of Arctic issues. The UK is a
state observer to the council and actively contributes to its
work.
Climatic and
environmental changes are, as we know, resulting in changing social and
economic pressures on management and governance. The reduction in sea
ice has opened up vast areas of the ocean for the first time. Some
scientists predict that the Arctic ocean will become ice-free during
the summer shortly, which has led to increased interest in hydrocarbons
and access for shipping and fisheries, all of which could have profound
effects. Right hon. and hon. Members who have been provided with the
communication will see that it outlines the reasons for the interest at
European level, albeit in general terms.
International
Polar Year, which concluded in March, focused the international
spotlight on a range of science that is being conducted in the polar
regions. Much of the projects work will, we hope, provide an
improved understanding of climatic and environmental processes and
changes, not only in the polar regions, but globally. The UK made a
significant scientific contribution to International Polar Year, with
British scientists involved in almost half of the 229 approved
projects. We also play a role in other matters that affect the Arctic,
such as the UN framework convention on climate change and the Stockholm
convention on persistent organic pollutants.
EU member
states are already very active in the Arctic: the territories of three
member states extend into it, two Arctic states are members of the
European economic area and all non-European Arctic states are strategic
partners of the EU. However, Arctic issues are important to the whole
EU, not only the states with territories in the region. We therefore
welcome the Commissions communication as the first step towards
a broad EU Arctic policy. We have made clear to the Commission that all
EU member states must be fully consulted and involved in the
development of such a policy. That is partly for the reasons of
competence referred to by the hon. Gentlemanthere is a mixture
of EU and member state competence on a number of the issues raised in
the Commissions communication. Full consultation is necessary
given that the UK and others already actively engage on Arctic issues
and have clear interests at stake.
Closer to
home, the UK Departments with the relevant expertise on such matters
share the interest of the FCO in seeing the EU add value to global
efforts to find solutions to the challenges that we face in the Arctic,
which are ensuring the sustainable development of resources, fair and
equitable access to Arctic waters and the long-term protection of that
great and important wilderness. I am grateful for the
Committees interest, and I look forward to an engaging debate
and, importantly, an ongoing constructive dialogue in
future.
The
Chairman: We now have until 5.30 pm for brief questions to
the Minister. I will allow supplementary questions if they are
relevant.
Mr.
Keith Simpson (Mid-Norfolk) (Con): It is a pleasure to
serve under your chairmanship, Mr. Jones. My hon. Friend the
Member for Hammersmith and Fulham and
the hon. Member for Luton, North, who serve on the European Scrutiny
Committee, are here, and I thank the Committee for its
work.
As
the Minister and my hon. Friend said, this is an important subject, not
least for the United Kingdom. Historically, our interests were
maritime, fishing, exploration and defence, even if they have now moved
on. However, there are some important questions to consider, some of
which my hon. Friend touched on, and I would like to put three or four
of them to the Minister, if there is an
opportunity.
My
hon. Friend touched on the question of scrutiny. Given that the
European Councils draft conclusions are directly relevant to
this Committee, why were they not provided to us for
consideration? The conclusion of the European Scrutiny
Committees ninth report, paragraph 1.15,
states:
If
the Minister is going to refer to draft Council Conclusions as part of
the explanation of the Governments view, we feel that the least
that she could have done would have been to enclose those draft
Conclusions with her Explanatory Memorandum. Alternatively, she should
have explained what those draft Conclusions
contain.
That
is an important point, and perhaps the Minister will respond to
it.
Has
the Minister noted paragraph 1.16? It
states:
We
also feel that the areas discussed in subsequent correspondence
outlined above should have been outlined in the first instance in a
more substantial Explanatory
Memorandum.
This
seems to be pretty thin fare for the Committee to
consider.
The
second element that I want to touch on refers back the point made by my
hon. Friend, which is that the European Scrutiny Committee obviously
felt strongly about competence. The Commissions communication
covers a number of areas relevant to developments in the Arctic region,
most notably the environment, fisheries, energy exploration and
shipping. The Committee has raised the question of the
Commissions competence in the recommendations in respect of the
communication. I do not think that the Minister dealt with that
question in her opening comments. Is she content that the Commission
has competence in all the areas it raises? Has the Foreign Office
discussed competence with the
Commission?
My
third point is territorial claims. Paragraph 1.7 of the European
Scrutiny Committee report rightly notes that the communication fails to
mention the most pressing political issue of all vis-Ã -vis the
Arctic. That is a notable omission. The Minister made some brief points
on that question in her letter to Lord Roperpoints that might
helpfully have been included in the explanatory memorandum for this
Committee.
Some
questions are left unanswered. Given the forums in which continental
shelf claims are made, does the Minister believe that the Commission
does not have competence in this area? Is that why there is no mention
of it in the communication? Continental shelf claims should certainly
be discussed with our European partners. Have she or her ministerial
colleagues done so at the General Affairs and External Relations
Council or bilaterally? Is this an area where the Government are
seeking or are minded to seek a common EU
position?
I
will conclude at that point and quit while I am
ahead.