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Mr. Garnier: Since we are elected to hold the Government to account, it is probably just as well that we do so from time to time. I agree that it is not always agreeable and that it is not always very fruitful. However, I want to press the Minister a little further about her answer to the hon. Member for Somerton and Frome on double jeopardy. What does she say in response to the suggestion that we have, to some extent, abandoned the protection of double jeopardy? As she will know, only last week a man was convicted of a serious murder of which he had previously been acquitted—same facts, new evidence. Under the older regime, he would have been acquitted for good. He has just been sent to prison for life, with a recommendation that he serves at least 28 years, I think. Does that have any bearing on the double jeopardy questions that the Minister has been expounding on?
Claire Ward: The hon. and learned Gentleman has raised an interesting point. The rules against double jeopardy are well established, and it is only in exceptionally rare cases that somebody can be tried twice for the same crime. We have therefore not abandoned the rules on double jeopardy. I understand that the case to which he has referred, which was in the media last week, was one of those rare exceptions. There is no impact on the matters at hand, as dealt with by the framework decision.
Motion made, and Question proposed,
That the Committee takes note of European Union Document No. 8338/09, Draft Council framework decision on prevention and settlement of conflicts of jurisdiction in criminal proceedings—general approach; and endorses the Government’s support of the proposal.—(Claire Ward.)
5.41 pm
Mr. Garnier: I do not wish to debate the motion, as I do not think that that would be useful. Although this is the third, fourth or fifth occasion on which I have appeared in a Committee of this nature, I am afraid that on every occasion I ask the question that I have just asked and on every occasion the Minister either confesses that it makes absolutely no difference whether the motion is passed, or an answer such as the one that we have just heard comes up. This is a ridiculous process that does not enhance the public’s appreciation of what goes on in the European Union, nor does it greatly help them appreciate what goes on here. This is no slight upon the Minister, but neither we nor the public are in a better state as far as our understanding of the issues before us is concerned than we were when we started at 4.30 pm. This procedure is utterly unhelpful. I have made suggestions through the Chairman of every European Committee B that I have sat on, but nothing happens, and I do not suppose that anything will.
I am sure that the Minister could have spent a more fruitful hour and a quarter somewhere else, and I dare say other members of the Committee feel the same, but here we are. I doubt whether I can go back to my constituents in Market Harborough and say, “What a good afternoon’s work I have done.” The House needs to get a grip of this utterly time-wasting, utterly fruitless and utterly meaningless procedure and work out how we can better scrutinise European legislation and the instruments—there are many of them—that emanate from it. I wish the Minister well if she has to appear in front of one of these Committees again, but I cannot envy the joy of it.
5.43 pm
Kelvin Hopkins: I take issue with what the hon. and learned Gentleman has said. Scrutiny may not be as good as it should be, but we make a considerable effort. I have spent half my lifetime involved in European scrutiny. I was a permanent member of one of these Committees for eight or nine years until their membership became non-permanent, and I have been a member of the European Scrutiny Committee for the past two or three years.
The Chairman: Order. I have given some leeway on debating our procedures rather than the motion. I ask the hon. Gentleman to return to the motion.
Kelvin Hopkins rose—
Mr. Garnier: I want to assure the hon. Gentleman that the Committee that he sits on under the chairmanship of—
Kelvin Hopkins: My hon. Friend the Member for Linlithgow and East Falkirk (Michael Connarty).
Mr. Garnier: All of that. That Committee does a superb job. It is the process in this Committee that concerns me.
Kelvin Hopkins: If I may just briefly respond, I have argued strongly with our Government and Whips that these Committees should have a permanent membership and take these matters more seriously. That is what has gone wrong. The membership is not permanent. People treat these Committees like Statutory Instrument Committees and do not take the issues very seriously. I hope that we will manage to persuade our leaders, at least, that that is a more appropriate way forward.
5.45 pm
Mr. Heath: I thank the hon. Member for Luton, North for his contributions to the proceedings and for initiating the debate, fruitless though it has turned out to be. Nevertheless, it was useful that he inspired it.
Kelvin Hopkins: It would not be fruitless if there were sufficient Opposition Members to defeat the Government in Committee today, because the matter would go to the House and the House would then have the opportunity to debate it and vote on it.
Mr. Heath: Were there sufficient Opposition Members to defeat the Government, it would be an indictment of the Comptroller of Her Majesty’s Household, who would have failed utterly in his prime duty of ensuring that there are enough Government Members here to establish a majority. He would not allow that to happen.
We are talking in purely hypothetical terms. The hon. Member for Luton, North was worried about his pronunciation of ne bis in idem, which I am sure is pronounced utterly differently by lawyers. In my experience, lawyers mangle every Latin phrase that they use and certainly do not use either classical or even mediaeval Latin pronunciation, if they have an alternative at their disposal. I do not think that he need worry too much about that.
Let me return to the precise terms of the matter before us. I agree that whether we note this or not is largely immaterial but, rather oddly, so is the matter. I am not convinced that this will make a huge difference in any way. It has negligible effect, because this sort of co-operation already happens as a matter of course. It has happened within the United Kingdom for a very long time. The prosecuting authorities of England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have had no difficulty in co-operating on what is the best theatre for a matter to be heard in terms of court proceedings. Similarly, we normally enjoy close co-operation with other jurisdictions in establishing appropriate arrangements for hearing cases.
Kelvin Hopkins: I understand entirely that the jurisdictions in the British isles co-operate, because historically we have been closely linked—we know each other and we speak the same language. I suggest that co-operation might not be so easy between jurisdictions in Britain and those in eastern European countries that have only recently become democratic.
Mr. Heath: There is the potential for difficulty but I understand that there have been very few difficulties in establishing where cases should be heard. That is even including the added disadvantage, or advantage as many of us would see it, of the common law in England as against the Napoleonic codes that are the basis for most of the jurisdictions in continental Europe. I do not think that this process will be invoked much. Where it is, it will simply amplify what is already best practice, as the Minister has said. I am more worried about how any dispute will ever be resolved. I am utterly unconvinced by the proposal to pass it on to Eurojust in a nebulous way with no set procedure for Eurojust to offer the level of adjudication that is required to provide a solution.
I asked the Minister whether Eurojust would be sitting in plenary session to determine this or whether it would simply be a second set of bilateral meetings between the relevant members of Eurojust representing the two or more jurisdictions involved in order to come to a conclusion, but no answer was forthcoming. That makes a difference. Perhaps there should be some form of tribunal system. I accept that it is not a binding arbitration, but nevertheless, somebody at some stage should give some thought to what happens if two member states cannot agree and a matter goes to Eurojust. How will we get any sort of result at all from Eurojust? It does not seem to me that the matter has yet been thought through.
That is also quite a departure from the original purpose of Eurojust. Some people argue that Eurojust should not have been put in place, but I am not one of them. I think that Eurojust has a role to play, provided that it does not try to usurp the jurisdictions and legal systems of member states. Co-operation on serious and organised crime and attempts to provide some degree of compatibility in different legal systems, or at least an understanding between them, are perfectly proper roles, but no one has ever suggested that Eurojust is a method of arbitration between different jurisdictions, which seems to be what is now proposed. That gives me cause for concern, because I do not think that that has necessarily been thought through properly. If we are to see a different role for Eurojust, we must be cautious not to set up a new supranational jurisdiction. That is not set out in the proposals, but it could be if they were developed, and we need to be aware of that.
Finally, I wish to return to the issue of double jeopardy. We have a long tradition of not exposing an individual to double jeopardy in our jurisdiction. As the hon. and learned Member for Harborough has said, perfectly correctly, that has been watered down, as new and compelling evidence can now be adduced. That has changed the terms of double jeopardy. However, I am still not clear on two issues. First, I am not clear on the recourse that a defendant has in a trial in this country to say to a judge in the first instance, “I am potentially subject to double jeopardy in these proceedings, because similar proceedings on similar facts are taking place in another jurisdiction of the European Union, or beyond.”
Secondly, I am not clear how the legal arrangements of other member states can accommodate for the reciprocal of that in the case of proceedings taking place in the UK, given that the UK is not a full member of the Schengen agreement, because the clear basis for the framework decision is that it
“seeks to prevent an infringement of the principle of ‘ne bis in idem, as set out in Article 54 of the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement of 14 June 1985 between the Governments of the states of the Benelux Economic Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and the French Republic”.
The Schengen agreement has been extended, but Britain is still not a full member, so if the purpose is to avoid double jeopardy within the Schengen countries, the UK is not included. Unless individual changes in law are made in the other member states, the UK is actually a spare part in these proceedings because it does not apply and is certainly not judicable under the European Court of Justice and elsewhere. I think that there are still question marks about the issue.
I do not propose to divide the Committee this afternoon, because all we are doing is noting the proceedings. My view is that there will be little effect—all the proposal is doing is encouraging the sort of co-operation that we would like to see. But I wish that we did not have such a degree of vagueness in the proposals before us and the European Parliament. The proposals will affect the way our judicial systems work in the future, but there is no one to spell out the precise consequences.
5.55 pm
Claire Ward: I do not wish to elaborate too much on the procedures that were referred to in the earlier part of the discussion. We find it useful, as a Government, to enter into debate with Members of Parliament through either the European Scrutiny Committee or this Committee, in whichever form it takes, to scrutinise the legislation and the actions of Government, which is welcome.
The purpose of the framework decision is to ensure that we will not have to rely on Eurojust or what it may offer. We hope that prosecutors will be able to engage in discussion with each other across member states to prevent the trial of a defendant in two places, which we do not wish to happen. The measure is essentially about encouraging communication between prosecutors from an early stage to avoid a person being prosecuted in two member states, which is something that we and many member states currently do. That is something that we wish to see and support in terms of a common element of those discussions and bringing forward best practice. Eurojust should not then be a final arbiter as to where that person should be prosecuted, a matter which must ultimately remain within the jurisdiction and the authority of member states. But if the framework decision is working effectively, we will not have to seek any views from or the involvement of Eurojust.
We have to bear in mind that prosecutors are widely experienced and have been given guidelines by which to operate—the hon. Member for Somerton and Frome has referred to the factors set out in the 2003 annual report. Prosecutors also take into account a number of factors, such as where the crime was committed and where the accused is located. With that, prosecutors should, in the overwhelming number of cases, be able to reach some agreement as to where that case should be tried. The framework decision will simply facilitate and encourage discussions between prosecutors from different member states. I trust that members of the Committee will support the motion, which will allow us to proceed with the formalities around signing the framework decision.
Question put and agreed to.
5.59 pm
Committee rose.
 
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